Guide to the works of J. Gresham Machen (1881–1937). Scholar. Preacher. Founder of Westminster Theological Seminary. Leader in the Orthodox Presbyterian Church.
THE LITERATURE AND HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT TIMES
PART I:
The Historical Background of Christianity
The Early History of Christianity
By John Gresham Machen
PHILADELPHIA, PA. THE PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION AND SABBATH SCHOOL WORK
CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 3 LESSON
INTRODUCTION
The general purpose of this course of lessons has been set forth in the introduction to the Student’s Text Book. There is a tendency in the modern Church to neglect the study of Bible history. Such neglect will inevitably result in a loss of power. The gospel is a record of something that has happened, and uncertainty about the gospel is fatal weakness. Furthermore the historical study of the apostolic age—that age when divine revelation established the great principles of the Church’s life—is the best corrective for a thousand vagaries. Much can be learned from modern pedagogy; but after all what is absolutely fundamental, both for teacher and for student, is an orderly acquaintance with the Bible facts. The Teacher’s Manual, therefore, is intended not merely to offer suggestions as to methods of teaching, but primarily to supplement the teacher’s knowledge. A teacher who knows only what he actually imparts to the class is inevitably dull. The true teacher brings forth out of his treasure things new and old. The sections in the Teacher’s Manual, since they are intended to be supplementary, should not be read until after careful attention has been paid to the corresponding sections in the Student’s Text Book. Moreover, both sections together are of course in themselves insufficient. They should be supplemented by other reading. Suggestions about reading have been put at the end of every lesson. Here, however, a few general remarks may be made. Davis’ “Dictionary of the Bible” and Purves’ “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” which have been recommended even to the student, will be to the teacher almost invaluable. The earnest teacher will also desire to refer to good commentaries on The Acts. The commentaries which have been mentioned in connection with the individual lessons are based upon the English Bible ; but every teacher who has any knowledge of Greek, however slight, should use, instead, the commentary of Knowling, in “The Expositor’s Greek Testament.” For the life of Paul, Lewin’s “Life and Epistles of St. Paul” and the similar book of Conybeare and Howson are still very valuable for their vivid and extended descriptions of the scenes of the missionary journeys. A similar
4 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS service is rendered, in more up-to-date form, by the various works of Ramsay. Stalker’s “Life of St. Paul” is a good handbook. M’Clymont’s “New Testament and Its Writers” contains instructive, though very brief, introductions to all of the New Testament books. Hastings’ “Dictionary of the Bible” and “Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels” number among their contributors many writers of many opinions. They are rich in references to the vast literature of modern Biblical discussion. The writer of this course has derived information from many quarters. Definite acknowledgment of indebtedness, since no originality is claimed, may be regarded as unnecessary. It is a pleasure, however, to render special thanks to Rev. Professor William Park Armstrong, D. D., of Princeton Theological Seminary, whose wise counsel has been of incalculable assistance at many points. The actual presentation of the lessons will, of course, vary according to the needs of the classes and the preferences of the teachers. The Student’s Text Book may often provide a convenient order of presentation. That book is intended not merely to be read, but also to be studied. It is to be regarded as a sort of outline of the course. The “topics for study” are intended to serve a double purpose. In the first place, they will test the student’s knowledge of the lesson material ; in the second place, they will afford encouragement to special investigation. Individual topics may often be assigned for thorough treatment to individual students, while the class as a whole may use all the topics as guides to a general knowledge. Personal interest in the individual students is of the utmost importance. Instruction has a tenfold value when it is backed by friendship. The relation of the students to the Church should be a matter of especial concern. If any member of the class has not confessed his faith in Christ, the study of this year offers abundant opportunity for a word in season. Our study reveals the Church as a divine institution. Shall we then stand aloof? In this course the teacher has the opportunity of introducing young people of maturing minds to the historical study of the New Testament. There could be no more inspiring task. Carried about with every wind of doctrine, the Church is sadly in need of an assured anchorage. That anchorage should be sought in history. Ignorance is weak; sound knowledge, sought with prayer, and blessed by the Spirit of God, will lead to a more stalwart and more intelligent faith.
LESSON I THE NEW TESTAMENT
This is an introductory lesson. It should be used, first of all, to answer intelligent general questions about the New Testament. Some of these questions will be discussed briefly under Sections 1 to 3, below. The historical study of the New Testament, based upon a study of the circumstances under which the individual books were written, will probably be new to many of the students. The new point of view should be used to awaken interest. The climax of the lesson should, however, be a presentation of the unity of the New Testament as the very Word of God to us. Historical study should be made—and can be made—subservient to reverent and thankful obedience.
The English word “testament” comes from a Latin word. The equivalent Greek word is hard to translate. As used in the Greek Bible it may mean either “covenant” or “testament.” Usually it should probably be translated “covenant.” The phrase “new covenant” occurs about five times in the New Testament. In none of these passages does the phrase refer to the “New Testament” in our sense. It designates a new relationship into which men have been received with God. The old covenant was made, through the mediatorship of Moses, with the Hebrew nation; the new covenant, hinted at in prophecy, Jer. 31 : 31, and instituted by the Lord Jesus, I Cor. 11 : 25, was made with all those, of every tribe and tongue and people and nation, who should through faith accept the salvation offered by Christ. Those who believe become, like Israel of old, God’s chosen people, and enter into the warmth and joy of the divine communion. The names “old and new covenants,” then, were applied first to these two special relationships into which God entered with men. Afterwards the names were applied to the books in which the conditions of those relationships were set forth. Perhaps it would have been
6 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS better if we had started to say “New Covenant” where we now say “New Testament.” At any rate the idea alluded to in the name is the inspiring idea, realized in Christ, of an alliance with God. The New Testament is the divine treaty by the terms of which God has received us rebels and enemies into peace with himself.
In the first place, the New Testament may be treated in every respect as a single book. That course is adopted by many of the most devoted lovers of the Bible. By them the Bible is treated simply as a textbook of religion. Passages are quoted indiscriminately from all parts of it, without much regard to the context. The wide differences of form and of spirit among the various books are ignored. The historical implications of the books are of course accepted as true, but practically they are left quite unassimila ted. Now let us be quite plain about one thing. The men who use the Bible in this way are right in the main point. They treat the Bible as the guide of life for time and for eternity. And if by the use of the Bible we can come into communion with God, we can afford to miss a good many other things. Nevertheless, the Bible is as a matter of fact not a mere textbook of religion, and if we treat it as such we miss much of its richness. If the Bible were merely a systematic treatise, it would be far easier to interpret. The interpreter would be spared a great deal of trouble, but the burden would be heaped upon the preacher. As it is, the Bible is itself a preacher, because it is in such close contact with the actual experience of men of flesh and blood. Its general teachings are given us in large measure only through the medium of history, through the medium of example. In order to arrive at the general truths, therefore, intellectual labor is often necessary. God has made things harder for the intellect that he may strike home the more surely to the heart. If Paul had written a systematic theology, the New Testament way of salvation might in some ways have been plainer than it is. It would have been plain to the intellect, but it would have needed interpretation to the heart. Conviction can be wrought only by the immediate impact of personal life. The theology of Paul, of itself, might be a dead thing; the religious experience of Paul, interwoven with his theology, and bared before us in the epistles, is irresistible. In the second place, the historical form of the Bible may be
THE NEW TESTAMENT 7 considered at the expense of its spiritual content. The Bible may be treated simply as a storybook. Such a method of treatment is exceedingly common to-day. “The Bible as literature” is its slogan. This treatment has simply missed the main point altogether. It is incomparably inferior to that treatment which takes the Bible as a mere textbook of religion. The Bible as an addition to the world’s history or the world’s literature has, indeed, considerable educational value. But it does not give eternal life. A third method is possible, and that third method is right. The historical and literary form of the Bible is recognized to the full. But it is regarded not as an end in itself, but as a means to an end. Historical study is necessary not only to establish to the modern man the saving facts of the gospel, but also to do justice to the dramatic narrative form in which God has revealed to us his eternal will. It is nearer the truth, then, to say that the New Testament is a single book than to say that it is a collection of books. Its parts differ widely among themselves, in authorship, in date, in circumstances, in aim. Those differences must be studied carefully, if the full meaning is to be obtained. But widely as the New Testament writings differ among themselves, they differ yet far more widely from all other books. They presented themselves originally to the Church with a divine authority, which is foreign to the ordinary writings of men. That authority has been confirmed through the Christian centuries. Those who have submitted their lives to the New Testament have never been confounded. The New Testament has been to them the voice of God.
(1) The Gospels.—Christianity is based upon historical facts. Attempts, it is true, are often made to separate it from history. But they are bound to result in failure. Give up history, and you can retain some things. But you can never retain a gospel. For “gospel” means “good news,” and “good news” means tidings, information derived from the witness of others. In other words, it means history. The question whether religion can be independent of history is really just the old question whether we need a gospel. The gospel is news that something has happened—something that puts a different face upon life. What that something is is told us in Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. It is the life and death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.
8 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS (2) The Book of The Acts.—The Book of The Acts is a history of the extension of Christianity from Jerusalem out into the Gentile world. It represents that extension as guided by the Spirit of God, and thus exhibits the divine warrant for the acceptance of us Gentiles, and for the development of the Christian Church. It provides the outline of apostolic history without which we could not understand the other New Testament books, especially the epistles of Paul. It illustrates to the full what has been said above about the value of the historical form in which the Bible teaching is presented. By reading this vivid narrative we obtain an impression of the power of the Holy Spirit which no systematic treatise could give. (3) The Epistles.—The Epistles of the New Testament are not just literature put in an epistolary form, but real letters. It is true that the addresses of some of them are very broad, for example, those of James and of I Peter; and that some of them contain no specific address at all, for example, Hebrews and I John. But the great majority of them, at least, were written under very special circumstances and intended to be read first by very definite people. The chief letter-writer of the New Testament was the apostle Paul. To a certain extent he used the forms of letter-writing of his time, just as everyone to-day begins a letter with “Dear Sir.” Within the last twenty years a great number of Greek private letters, dating from about the time of Paul, have been discovered in Egypt, where they have been preserved by the dry climate. It is interesting to compare them with the letters of Paul. There are some striking similarities in language; for both these letterwriters and Paul used the natural language of daily life rather than the extremely artificial language of the literature of that period. To a certain extent, also, Paul used the same epistolary forms. The differences, however, are even more instructive than the resemblances. It is true, the Pauline epistles are not literary treatises, but real letters. But on the other hand they are not ordinary private letters intended to be read and thrown away, like the letters that have been discovered in Egypt. Most of them were intended to be read originally in churches. It is natural, then, that they should have been written in a loftier style than is to be found in mere business communications and the like. And if Paul uses the epistolary forms of his time he uses them in an entirely new way. Even the mere openings of the epistles are made the
THE NEW TESTAMENT 9 vehicle of Christian truth. “Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ”—there is nothing like that in contemporary letter-writing. The openings of the Pauline epistles form an interesting study. They are varied with wonderful skill to suit the varied character and subject matter of the letters that follow. Paul is never merely formal. The letters of Paul differ widely among themselves. The Epistle to the Romans is almost a systematic exposition of the plan of salvation. Philemon is concerned with a little personal matter between Paul and one of his converts. But even where Paul is most theological he is personal, and even where he is most personal, he is faithful to his theology. Theology in him is never separate from experience, and experience never separate from theology. Even petty problems he settles always in the light of eternal principles. Hence his letters, though the specific circumstances that gave rise to them are past and gone, will never be antiquated. (4) The Apocalypse.—The Christian life is a life of hope. Inwardly we are free, but our freedom is not yet fully realized. We are in danger of losing our hope in the trials or in the mere humdrum of life. To keep it alive, the Apocalypse opens a glorious vision of the future. The vision is presented in symbolical language. It is not intended to help in any calculation of the times and seasons. But it shows us the Lamb upon the throne— and that is enough.
In the Library.—Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Bible,” “Canon of the New Testament,” “Covenant,” “New Testament,” and “Testament.”
LESSON II THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
Christianity is not a human product. It is not to be explained by what preceded it on the earth. It is a new beginning in history, an immediate exercise of the divine power. But though Christianity was not produced by men, it operates upon men, and upon men subject to all the ordinary conditions of earthly life. Primitive Christianity, then, which we shall study this year, cannot be understood fully without an examination of the historical conditions under which it arose. In the class, the lesson should probably be approached through the New Testament examples of the general principles which are outlined in the lesson helps. Examples will be found in the passages assigned in the Student’s Text Book, and others should be sought for elsewhere.
By the middle of the first century before Christ the power of the Roman republic extended around the Mediterranean Sea. Victories abroad, however, were accompanied by serious troubles at home. The increase of wealth and the importation of slave labor had produced unfortunate social conditions. The realm had become too large to be administered adequately by the old republican government. Individuals sometimes obtained practical control of affairs, and the state was torn by civil wars. Finally, in 49 B. C, Julius Caesar entered Rome at the head of an army, and Roman liberty was at an end. After the assassination of Caesar in 44 B. C, there was a succession of civil wars, and then, by the victory of Actium in 31 B. C, Octavius, who later assumed the name of Augustus, became sole ruler. Augustus died in A. D. 14. Subsequent emperors during the first century were: Tiberius (A. D. 14-37), Caligula (A. D. 37-41), Claudius (A. D. 41-54), Nero (A. D. 54-68), Galba, Otho and Vitellius (A. D. 69), Vespasian (A. D. 69-79), Titus (A. D. 79-81), Domitian (A. D. 81-96), Nerva (A. D. 96-98), Trajan (A. D. 98-117).
THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 11 2. ROMAN ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE EMPIRE
The general advantages of the Roman imperial government have been considered in the Student’s Text Book. It will here be advisable to consider one or two features a little more in detail. Much of what follows can be illustrated from the New Testament; for the acquaintance of New Testament writers, especially of Luke, with Roman administration is not only accurate but also minute. The students should be encouraged to seek New Testament illustrations for themselves. (1) The Provinces.—The provinces of the empire are to be distinguished from the territories of subject kings or princes. The latter were quite subservient to Rome, but were given more independence of administration. A good example of such a subject king, theoretically an ally, but in reality a vassal, was Herod the Great, who ruled over all Palestine till 4 B. C. The provinces themselves were divided into two great classes— imperial provinces and senatorial provinces. The imperial provinces were under the immediate control of the emperor. They were governed by “legates,” who had no regular term of office, but served at the emperor’s pleasure. The imperial provinces were those in which, on account of unsettled conditions, or for the defense of the empire, large bodies of troops had to be maintained. Thus, by keeping the appointment of the legates exclusively in his own hands, the emperor retained the direct control of the all-important power of the army. A good example of an imperial province is the great province of Syria, with capital at Antioch. Palestine was more or less under the supervision of the Syrian legate. Districts different from the great imperial provinces, but, like them, under the immediate control of the emperor, were governed by “procurators.” Judea, from A. D. 6 to A. D. 41, and from A. D. 44 on, is an example. The senatorial provinces were governed by “proconsuls,” chosen by lot from among the members of the Senate. The proconsuls served for only one year. Even over these provinces and their governors the emperor retained the fullest supervisory authority. The senatorial provinces composed the central and more settled portions of the empire, where large standing armies would not be needed. Examples are Achaia, with capital at Corinth, and Cyprus with capital at Paphos. Proconsuls of both of these provinces are mentioned in the New Testament by name.
12 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS (2) Local Government.—The Romans did not attempt to introduce perfect uniformity throughout the empire. The original Greek unit of political life was the city, and Greek cities were scattered over the east before the Roman conquest. With regard to local affairs, many of the cities retained a certain amount of independence. It is interesting to observe the local peculiarities of the cities described in The Acts. In addition to the Greek cities, many of which were more or less “free” in local affairs, many “Roman colonies” had been established here and there throughout the empire. The original colonists were often veterans of the Roman armies. Of course the populations soon came to be mixed, but Roman traditions were cultivated in the colonies more than elsewhere. A number of the cities of The Acts were colonies, and one, Philippi, is expressly declared to be such. Acts 16 : 12. In that city the Roman character of the magistrates appears clearly from the Lucan narrative. There were “praetors” and “lictors.” (3) Roman Citizenship.—Before New Testament times Roman citizenship had been extended to all Italy. Italy, therefore, was not a province or group of provinces, but was regarded as a part of Rome. Outside of Italy Roman citizenship was a valuable special privilege. It raised a man above the mass of the provincial population. Some of the advantages of it appear clearly in the New Testament narrative. Because Paul was a Roman citizen he was legally exempt from the most degrading forms of punishment, and had a right to appeal to the court of the emperor. Roman citizenship was sometimes acquired by money, but Paul inherited it from his father.
Under the empire, Rome was possessed of a state religion. The ancient gods of the republic were retained. There were great divinities like Jupiter and Mars, and there were numberless private divinities of individual households. The ancient religion had, indeed, undergone modifications. New divinities in plenty had been received. But the reception of the new did not involve abolition of the old. On the contrary, the gods of other peoples could be accepted just because they were regarded as nothing but the Roman gods under different names. Thus, long before the Christian era, there had been a thoroughgoing identification of the gods of Greece with the gods of Rome. The Greek Zeus, for example, was
THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 13 identified with the Roman Jupiter; the Greek Ares with the Roman Mars. The gods of countries other than Greece were also received, though, as far as the city of Rome was concerned, with some conservatism. In the Roman world, religion was a national affair. Worship of the national gods was not only piety, but also patriotism. Patriotism and religion were inseparably connected. Support of the gods of Rome, even where personal faith in them had been undermined, was considered to be the duty of every loyal citizen. The political aspect of Roman religion appears most clearly in the worship of the Roman emperors. This remarkable development appears from the beginning of the empire. Augustus, indeed, refused to receive divine honors, at least in the west. But in the east even he was worshiped, and as time went on the reluctance of the emperors disappeared. Some of the worst of the emperors were most insistent upon their own divinity. Perhaps the first impulse of the modern man is to regard the Caesar cult simply as a particularly despicable form of flattery. In reality it was more than that. It was not established by imperial edict. It was not dictated primarily by servile fear. The Greek inhabitants of the empire really regarded Augustus as their saviour. And so he was, as far as any man could be. He saved them from the miseries of civil war, and from the rapacity of the degenerate republic; he gave them peace and happiness. And they responded by regarding him as a god. To them it was natural. To them it was nothing new. Alexander the Great had been regarded as a god long before the Christian era. His successors in Syria and in Egypt had also received divine honors. To the genuine Romans, the thing did not come so easy. The Caesar cult, at least at first, was not developed in the west. But even the Romans could worship the emperor’s “genius” or spirit, and from that to the actual worship of the emperor was but a step. Essential to the whole process of deification, both in Rome and in the east, was the close connnection in ancient thinking between deity and humanity, and between religion and the state. If patriotism is religion, then the king is a god. The Caesar cult was the most palpable incorporation of the state religion. Worship of the emperor, therefore, might well be the test of loyalty to Rome. It could be practiced by skeptics and philosophers. It could be practiced by the devotees of all religions—
14 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS save two. Jews and Christians alone could not bow at the emperor’s shrine, for their God was a God who could brook no rival. He was not merely the greatest among many. He was the only Lord, Maker of heaven and earth.
Between Christianity and the Roman state, with its official religion, a life-and-death struggle was inevitable. But in the providence of God it was delayed. The empire was used not to crush Christianity but to open the world before it. But was the empire really identical with the world? It seemed so to the Romans and to the Greeks. To them the empire was the world. And they were right. Not, of course, in a literal sense. In the first century after Christ, vast civilizations—for example the civilization of China—were already in existence. There were great peoples of whom the Romans had never heard. But Roman arrogance has at last been vindicated. For Rome was in reality the key to subsequent history. Rome was the parent of Europe, and Europe is moving the world. Even China is at last being opened to the civilization of Rome. The Romans were right. He who could master Rome would be master, one day, of the world. It has been a long process. But God’s plans are sure. Christianity appeared at the one time when the world was open before it. By the power of the divine Spirit it conquered the empire. The empire dominated its barbarian conquerors. The barbarians are the parents of modern civilization. Modern civilization is invading the earth’s remotest bounds. China, at last, is within our ken. Realms long closed have at last been opened. Another great opportunity! An opportunity for greed and selfishness! An opportunity for a dismal skepticism! And an opportunity for the Church of God!
In the Library.—Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Adeney, article on “Caesar”; Gwatkin, articles on “Roman Empire,” and “Rome.” Hastings, “Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics”: Iverach, article on “Csesarism.” Westcott, “The Two Empires,” in “The Epistles of St. John,” pp. 250-282. Ramsay, “The Cities of St. Paul,” pp. 48-81.
LESSON III THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY
The purpose of the present lesson is to make the student feel that the gospel was from the beginning a real gospel in a real world. If we isolate the early preaching from its environment, we make it seem like an unreal thing. Study of New Testament times makes the New Testament itself become a more living, a more interesting book. In the Student’s Text Book an outline of the Hellenistic age has been provided. It has been supplemented below by illustrative material. But in the class the lesson can probably be best approached from the side of the New Testament itself. In what languages is the Bible written? How did the New Testament come to be written in Greek? What other languages are mentioned in the New Testament? What light do these passages shed upon the linguistic conditions of the time? What is the attitude of the apostles toward Greek thought? Is that attitude altogether unfavorable, or did the early missionaries ever lay hold upon the higher aspirations of their Gentile hearers (Athens) ? Where did the missionaries come into contact with heathen superstition ? (Several fine examples in The Acts). What was the moral condition of the Greco-Roman world? How was the Hellenistic age like our own? Why did God send our Lord just in the first century? What was the social condition of the early Christians? Do you think that was an advantage or a disadvantage? What men of higher position are mentioned in the New Testament? Questions like these will serve to relate the general expositions in the lesson helps to the New Testament itself. The lesson helps are intended to provide merely the presuppositions necessary for intelligent study. God working for real men in a real world—that is the subject of the lesson.
The Greek world culture which prevailed after the conquest of Alexander was widely different from the Greek life of the classical period. The earlier period is called the “Hellenic” period, the later period is designated as “Hellenistic.” When Greek thought made
16 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS itself master of the world, it became mingled with numberless foreign elements. The mixture appears most clearly, perhaps, in the sphere of religion. Polytheism was capable of indefinite expansion. New gods could easily be identified with the old, or else be received along with them without a conflict. The religion of the Greco-Roman world is therefore different from that of ancient Greece. It is a curious mixture of the most diverse beliefs. Nevertheless, the whole deserves to be called Hellenistic, because even the most strikingly non-Grecian elements were usually subjected more or less to the subtle molding of the Greek spirit. The Hellenistic age used to be despised, but among modern scholars it is coming into its own. Its literary products are admittedly inferior to the glories of the earlier age, but even in literature its achievements are not to be despised, and in other spheres it is supreme. Notably in mathematics and in natural science it was the golden age. Euclid, the geometrician, lived three centuries before Christ. The learning of the Hellenistic age was centered in Alexandria in Egypt, a city which had been founded by Alexander the Great. Athens had, perhaps, ceased to possess the primacy. That fact is typical of the time. Greek culture had ceased to belong to Greece in the narrower sense. It had become a possession of the world. The great library of Alexandria was a sign of the times. The Hellenistic age was an age of widespread learning. When Rome became master of the eastern world, conditions were not fundamentally changed. Rome merely hastened a process that was already at work. Already the nations had been brought together by the spread of Greek culture; Roman law merely added the additional bond of political unity. The Roman legions were missionaries of an all-pervading Hellenism. The Greco-Roman world was astonishingly modern. It was modern in its cosmopolitanism. In our own time the nations have again been brought together. The external agencies for their welding are far more perfect to-day than they were under the empire. Even the Roman roads would be but a poor substitute for the railroad and the telegraph and the steamship. But on the other hand we lack the bond of a common language. In some ways the civilized world was even more of a unit in the first century than it is to-day. The cosmopolitanism of the Roman Empire was a God-given opportunity for the Church. In a cosmopolitan age, if a man has
THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 17 something to say, he will not lack an audience. His message will be understood in one place as well as in another. The lesson is obvious for the Church of to-day. Again God has opened the world before us. If we have a message, in God’s name let us proclaim it while yet there is time. 2. THE GREEK BIBLE
The Church originated in Palestine. The first missionaries were native Jews. Yet even they had been affected by the cosmopolitanism of the time. Even they could use Greek, in addition to their native language. And Paul, the greatest of the missionaries, though a Jew, was a citizen of a Greek city. The Church from the beginning was able to speak to the larger world. One difficulty might possibly have arisen. The Christian mission was not carried on merely by the oral word. From the beginning Christianity was a religion with a Book. And that Book was not Greek. On the contrary it was intensely un-Grecian. The Old Testament is intolerant of heathen ideas. It is deeply rooted in the life of the chosen people. How could a Hebrew book be used in the Greek world? The difficulty might have been serious. But in the providence of God it had been overcome. The Old Testament was a Hebrew book, but before the Christian era it had been translated into Greek. From the beginning Christianity was provided with a Greek Bible. It is always difficult to make a new translation of the Bible. Every missionary knows that. The introduction of a new translation takes time. It was fortunate, then, that a Greek-speaking Church had a Greek Bible ready to hand. Everything was prepared for the gospel. God’s time had come. Roman rule had brought peace. Greek culture had produced unity of speech. There was a Greek world, there were Greekspeaking missionaries, and there was a Greek Bible. In the first century, the salvation that was of the Jews could become a salvation for the whole world.
The world in which the gospel was proclaimed is deserving of careful study. How shall it be investigated? The most obvious way is to study the literature of the period. Until recent years that was almost the only way. But that method is partial at best. For literature is after all but an imperfect measure
18 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS of any age. The society that is found in books is an idealized society, or at any rate it is the society of the great. The plain man is unrecorded. His deeds are not deemed worthy of a place in history. Within the last thirty years, however, the plain people of the ancient world have come remarkably into view. They are revealed to us in the “non-literary papyri.” “Papyri” are pieces of papyrus. Papyrus was the common writing material of antiquity up to about A. D. 300, when vellum, or parchment, came into general use. Unfortunately papyrus, which was made from the pith of the papyrus plant, is not a very durable substance, so that ancient papyri have been preserved until modern times only under exceptionally favorable conditions. These conditions are found in Egypt, where the dry climate has kept the papyrus from disintegration. In Egypt, within the last thirty years, have been discovered large numbers of papyrus sheets with Greek writing. Of these the “literary papyri” contain simply parts of books. They differ from other copies of the works in question only in that they are usually older than the vellum manuscripts. The “non-literary papyri,” on the other hand, are unique. They are private documents of all sorts—receipts, petitions, wills, contracts, census returns, and most interesting of all, private letters. It was usually not intended that these documents should be preserved. They were simply thrown away upon rubbish heaps or used as wrappings of mummies. They have been preserved only by chance. The non-literary papyri are important first of all in the study of language. They exhibit the language of everyday life, as distinguished from the language of literature. The language of literature always differs more or less from the language used on the street, and the difference was particularly wide in the Greek of the Hellenistic period. The books of the time were modeled to a considerable extent upon the ancient classics, but the actual spoken language had been changing. Hence the literary language had become exceedingly artificial. Up to within the last few years, the literary language alone could be studied. The books of the period were preserved, but the language of daily life was gone. Now, however, the papyri supply what was lacking. In them there is no attempt at style. They are composed in the language which was employed in the ordinary affairs of life and preserve the actual spoken language of every day.
THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 19 At this point a remarkable fact must be noticed. The language of the New Testament is more like the language of the non-literary papyri than it is like the language of contemporary literature. The papyri indicate, therefore, that the New Testament is composed in the natural living language of the time rather than according to the canons of an artificial rhetoric. The artlessness of the New Testament has sometimes been regarded as a reproach. Instead, it is a cause for rejoicing. The simplicity of the gospel would only be concealed by niceties of style. The greatness of the New Testament is independent of literary art. It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the New Testament, because it is composed in the language of the people, is characterized by anything like cheapness or vulgarity. On the contrary its simplicity is the noble simplicity of truth. In the New Testament the spoken language of the Greco-Roman world, in all its living freshness, becomes a worthy vehicle for the sublimest thoughts. The non-literary papyri, then, reproduce for us the spoken language of the time as distinguished from the artificial language of literature. But that does not exhaust their importance. They afford a knowledge not only of language, but also of life. Through them ordinary people are revealed in the ordinary relations of every day. In them, the ancient world has been made to live again. A few examples (see the book of Professor Milligan mentioned at the end of the lesson) will serve to indicate the character of the papyrus letters. The following boy’s letter (of the second or the third century after Christ) is written in very bad grammar, but is for that reason all the more lifelike. (The translation is taken from Grenfell and Hunt, “Oxyrhynchus Papyri,” Part i., p. 186.) “Theon to his father Theon, greeting. It was a fine thing of you not to take me with you to the city! If you won’t take me with you to Alexandria I won’t write you a letter or speak to you or say good-by to you ; and if you go to Alexandria I won’t take your hand nor ever greet you again. That is what will happen if you won’t take me. Mother said to Archalaus, ‘It quite upsets him to be left behind (?).’ It was good of you to send me presents . . . on the 12th, the day you sailed. Send me a lyre, I implore you. If you don’t, I won’t eat, I won’t drink; there now!” The following invitation to dinner, of the second century after Christ, throws light upon I Corinthians (the translation taken from Professor Milligan):
20 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS “Antonius, son of Ptolemaeus, invites you to dine with him at the table of the lord Serapis in the house of Claudius Serapion on the 16th at 9 o’clock.” “The lord Serapis” is a god. Even an ordinary dinner party seems thus to be regarded as the table of Serapis. Under such conditions the Christian life must have been hard to lead. No wonder the Corinthian Christians had to ask Paul questions. Even the ordinary affairs of life were intimately connected with a false religion. What should the attitude of the Christians be? Where should they draw the line in associating with their heathen friends?
The people that are introduced to us so intimately in the papyri are probably very fair representatives of the people among whom the gospel was first proclaimed. In that cosmopolitan age the society of Egyptian towns was probably not so very different from that of Corinth. The people of the papyri are not the great men of the time; they are just plain folk. But the early Christians were also usually not of exalted social position, though there were exceptions. “Not many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble” were called. I Cor. 1 : 26. Many of the early Christians were slaves, many were humble tradesmen. The same classes appear in the papyri. In the papyri we are introduced into the private lives of the men to whom the gospel was proclaimed. Seeing, but unseen, hidden as by a magic cap, we watch them in their most intimate affairs. And we come away with a new feeling of the reality of early Christian history. These men were not so very different from ourselves. They were real men and women, living in a real world. And they needed a real gospel.
In the Library.—Hastings, " Dictionary of the Bible," extra volume: Ramsay, article on " Religion of Greece," pp. 109-156, especially pp. 135-156. Milligan, “Selections from the Greek Papyri,” (with translations). Deissmann, “The Philology of the Greek Bible,” pp. 1-63, 144-147. Ramsay, “The Cities of St. Paul,” pp. 1-47. Browning, " Cleon," (vol. iv, pp. 115-122 of the Riverside Edition.)
LESSON IV THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY I. PALESTINIAN JUDAISM
The New Testament is one of the chief sources of information about the Palestinian Judaism of the first century. Other important sources are the works of Josephus, a first-century Jewish historian, and the Mishna. The Mishna is a collection of Jewish interpretations of the Mosaic law. In its written form it is thought to have been produced at the end of the second century, but it contains a mass of earlier material which had been preserved by oral tradition.
After the conclusion of the Old Testament period the Jewish nation had undergone important changes. If, therefore, the Judaism of the first century is to be understood, the student must have in mind at least a bare outline of the history between the Testaments. Old Testament history closes with the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem and the reorganization of the national life which took place under Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before Christ. At that time Judah, or “Judea,” was the only part of Palestine which was occupied by the Jews, and they occupied it only as vassals—though with independence in internal affairs— of the kings of Persia. The Persian dominion continued for over a century. Then, in the latter part of the fourth century before Christ, Judea was conquered by Alexander the Great. For some hundred years after the death of Alexander, the country was a bone of contention between the kings of Egypt and the kings of Syria—that is, between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids. At the beginning of the second century before Christ the king of Syria won a permanent victory. Under the Ptolemies and at first under the Seleucids, as well as under the Persians, the Jews enjoyed a considerable measure of independence in the management of their own affairs. Their re.
22 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS ligion, in particular, was left quite unmolested. But the assimilation which was not being accomplished by force was being accomplished by peaceful influences. The all-pervasive Greek culture of the period was making itself felt in Palestine as well as elsewhere. Judea seemed to be in danger of being Hellenized. Under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria (175-164 B. C.), however, the policy of toleration was suddenly interrupted. Antiochus tried to stamp out the Jewish religion by force. The result was a heroic uprising led by Mattathias and his sons, who are called the Maccabees. The tyranny of Antiochus had caused a mighty popular reaction against the Hellenizing party among the Jews. Devotion to the religion of Israel with exclusion of foreign influences was ever afterwards the dominant tendency in Jewish history. The Maccabees were at first wonderfully successful against overwhelming odds; and when the opposing forces seemed at last to have become too powerful, internal conflicts at the Syrian court gave the Jewish patriots that independence which they could probably not otherwise have maintained. Rulers belonging to the Maccabean dynasty governed the Jewish nation for about a hundred years, during most of which period they were independent. Their territory at first embraced only Judea, but was gradually enlarged over the other parts of Palestine. Galilee, which—since the destruction of the northern Israelitish kingdom centuries before—had become predominantly Gentile, was Judaized under Aristobulus I in 104-103 B. C. Before the time of Christ it had become thoroughly Jewish. Unfortunately the worldly power of the Maccabees had brought worldliness of spirit. The first revolt had been undertaken from a lofty religious motive, in order to maintain the worship of Jehovah. As the years went on, the Maccabean rulers became increasingly engrossed in the extension of political power. Allying themselves with the aristocratic party among the Jews, they came to favor the extension of those Greek influences—though not in the sphere of religion—which at first they had opposed. Under Queen Alexandra (76-67 B. C.) it is true, there was a reaction. The strictly Jewish, anti-Hellenistic party again became dominant. But under Alexandra’s successors there was civil strife, and the all-conquering Romans found the country an easy prey. Pompey took possession of Jerusalem in 63 B. C. The years that followed saw the gradual rise of the family of Herod the Great, who, as vassal of the Romans, became king of all
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 23 Palestine in 37 B. C. and ruled until 4 B. C. Herod was an Idumsean, not a genuine Jew. Idumaea, however, the country to the south of Judah, had been Judaized some time before. Herod was at heart a Hellenist. He built Greek theaters and amphitheaters not only in the numerous Greek cities in or near Palestine, but also in Jerusalem itself. Nevertheless he was wise enough to support the Jewish religion and generally to respect the customs of the people. His magnificent rebuilding of the temple was probably intended chiefly to win popular favor. At Herod’s death, his territory was divided among his sons. Archelaus was given Judea, Antipas—the “Herod” of Jesus’ public ministry—received Galilee and Perea, with the title of “Tetrarch,” and Philip received certain territories to the east of Galilee. Archelaus was banished in A. D. 6, Antipas was banished in A. D. 39, and Philip died in A. D. 33. After the banishment of Archelaus, Judea was administered by Roman procurators till A. D. 41, when all Palestine was given to Herod Agrippa I. Acts 12 : 1-4, 18-23. After A. D. 44, procurators were again in control. The misgovernment of the procurators led to the great revolt in A. D. 66. After four years of war, Jerusalem was taken by the Roman army in A. D. 70. The temple was destroyed, and the offering of sacrifices ceased. The destruction of the temple marks an epoch in Jewish history. Henceforth the national center was gone. There was another uprising in A. D. 132-135, but that was the last. A Gentile city was erected on the ruins of Jerusalem, and for a considerable time at least the Jews were forbidden even to enter its precincts.
After the return from the Exile, the priests occupied a position of leadership. The high priest, whose office was hereditary, was practically head of the Jewish state. With him was associated a council, composed of members of the priestly aristocracy. This state of affairs prevailed during the Persian and Greek periods. Under the Maccabees the power of the high priest reached its highest point. For after a time the Maccabean rulers themselves assumed the title of high priest, and still later the title of king. The high priest, then, under the Maccabees, was also king. Under Herod the Great, on the contrary, the high priesthood sank to its lowest ebb. Herod made and unmade high priests at pleasure.
24 SENIOR GRADED LESSED The council associated with the high priest was, under Alexandra, opened to the members of the strict anti-Hellenistic party. At the time of Christ it included both Pharisees and Sadducees. These parties became distinct at the time of the Maccabees. The Sadducees—the origin of the name is not altogether clear— were the aristocratic party, hospitable to Greek culture. The Pharisees were the strict Jewish party, devoted to the law, and opposed to foreign influences. The name “Pharisee” means “separated.” The Pharisees were “separated” from the mass of the people by a stricter observance of the Mosaic law. At first the Pharisees supported the Maccabean leaders; for the Maccabean revolt was in the interests of the Jewish religion. But when the Maccabees became engrossed in worldly politics and susceptible to Greek influences the Pharisees opposed them. At the time of Christ the essential characteristics of the parties remained unchanged.
Some centuries before Christ, Hebrew had ceased to be the ordinary language of Palestine. As the language of the Old Testament it continued to be studied. Old Testament passages in Hebrew were read in the synagogue. Hebrew was used also to some extent as the language of learned discussion. But for all ordinary purposes its place had been taken by Aramaic, a language of the Semitic family closely related to Hebrew. At the time of Christ Aramaic was the spoken language of the Palestinian Jews. Even in the synagogues, the Old Testament passages, after having been read in Hebrew, were translated orally into the language which the people could understand. But, since the time of Alexander the Great, another language had made its way into Palestine along with Aramaic. This was the Greek. The kingdoms into which Alexander’s empire was divided were Greek kingdoms. Two of them, Syria and Egypt, bore rule alternately over Palestine. With the Greek government came Greek culture and the Greek language. Then, under Antiochus Epiphanes, there was a mighty reaction. Thereafter religion, at least, was kept altogether free from Greek influences. In other spheres, however, under the Maccabean kings and still more under the Romans, Greek culture effected an entrance. At the time of Christ there were typical Greek cities not only to the east of the Jordan in Decapolis, where magnificent ruins even to-day attest the ancient Greco-Roman civilization, and not only
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 25 along the coast of the Mediterranean, but even within the confines of Palestine proper. With some truth Palestine in the first century may be called a bilingual country. Greek and Aramaic were both in use. Aramaic was the language of the mass of the people. Many, no doubt, could speak no other language. But if a man desired to make his way in the world in any public capacity or in trade he would be obliged to learn the cosmopolitan language of the time. No doubt very many could speak both languages. Jesus and his apostles belonged to those circles which were least affected by the encroachments of Greek civilization. The whole atmosphere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined. As is proved by the presence of Aramaic words even in our Greek Gospels, Aramaic was undoubtedly the language in which the gospel was originally proclaimed. Aramaic was the language of Jesus' boyhood home, and Aramaic was the language of his intercourse with the disciples and of his public preaching. It is perfectly possible, however, that even Jesus may have used Greek upon rare occasions, for example in conversation with Pilate, the Roman procurator. His disciples, after the resurrection, found themselves at the head of a Greek-speaking community. The early Church in Jerusalem was composed not only of “Hebrews,” but also of “Grecians,” or Hellenists. Acts 6:1. The Hellenists were Greek-speaking Jews of the dispersion who were sojourning more or less permanently in the holy city. The apostles seem to have entered upon their new functions without difficulty. Some knowledge of Greek, no doubt, all of them brought with them from their Galilean homes, and their knowledge would be increased through practice. It is not surprising then that several of the original apostles and two of the brothers of Jesus were the authors of Greek books of the New Testament.
In the Library.—Riggs, “A History of the Jewish People,” especially pp. 105-116, 143-153, 215-231. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Council,” “Pharisees,” “Sadducees,” “Synagogue,” “School,” “Scribe,” “Aramaic,” and “Hebrew.” The outline of Jewish history and institutions which is provided in the lesson helps for this lesson and the following is dependent especially upon the large German work of Schiirer.
LESSON V THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY II. THE JUDAISM OF THE DISPERSION
The presentation of the lesson in class may be begun somewhat in the manner suggested in the Student’s Text Book. The student should be made to appreciate the practical problem of a missionary in a new city. Various solutions of the problem may be adopted. The missionary may simply engage in conversation with individuals in the street, or he may hire a room and advertise his preaching. In any case the securing of an audience is usually no easy matter. It is difficult to know how to begin. The case might naturally have been the same with Paul and his companions when, for example, after the journey up from Perga they arrived at Pisidian Antioch. Complete strangers were perhaps not much better received in those days than they are now. How could the missionaries get a hearing for their message? In some cases, they might simply take their stand in the market place and talk to the passers-by. Paul tried that method in Athens. It might do when nothing better offered. But fortunately there was usually a far better opportunity. The synagogue offered an audience. What is more, it offered just exactly the most promising audience that could possibly have been secured. The scene in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is typical of what happened again and again. The student should be made to appreciate the remarkable liberality and informality of the synagogue customs. There seem to have been no set preachers. Any Jew who really had a message could be heard. He needed only to go in and sit down. Acts 13 : 14. Paul and Barnabas had no difficulty in making their fitness known. “Brethren,” said the rulers of the synagogue, “if ye have any word of exhortation for the people, say on.” Acts 13 : 15. They had a word of exhortation indeed. “Jesus is the Messiah for whom you are waiting. He has died for your sins. He has risen from the dead, and is now alive to save you.” It was a powerful word, and it bore fruit. The native Jews, it is true, soon came out in opposition. The
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 27 reasons for their opposition are not far to seek. Jealousy was an important factor. Christianity was evidently too radical a thing to be simply a sect of Judaism. If allowed to continue, it would destroy the prerogatives of Israel. It could not be controlled. Its success was too great. On that next Sabbath in Pisidian Antioch, “almost the whole city was gathered together to hear the word of God.” The Jewish mission had never had a success like that. “When the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled with jealousy.” Christianity had taken away the heritage of Israel. In one way the Jewish opposition displayed genuine insight into the situation. Christianity was really destined to be a fatal rival to the older Judaism. What took place on a small scale at Antioch was repeated on the larger stage of history. When the Christian mission began, Judaism was a successful missionary religion. Soon afterwards it had withdrawn hopelessly into its age-long isolation. Various causes contributed to this result. The destruction of the national life in Palestine and the increasing influence of the strict rabbinical schools both had an important part. But at least one factor in the process was the competition of the Christian Church. Christianity offered the world everything that Judaism could offer, and more. It offered the knowledge of the one God, and the lofty morality, and the authoritative Book. In addition, it offered a way of redemption—and the men of that time were preeminently seekers after redemption—through the sacrifice of Christ. It offered all these things, moreover, without requiring any relinquishment of purely national characteristics. Christianity did not demand union with any one race. It had a gospel for the world. No wonder, then, that those who had been attracted by Judaism now became adherents of Christianity. The Jews were filled with envy. It was natural from their point of view, but it was a sad mistake. Had they themselves accepted the gospel, the gospel would have been to their glory. How glorious was the mission of Israel! A blessing to the whole world! Far better than any narrow particularism! But they were not willing to accept the message. Nevertheless, despite their opposition, the Church should not forget the debt which she owes to Israel. The dispersion was like the Judaism of Palestine. In both cases the men themselves were opposed to the gospel. But in both cases they had preserved the deposit of divine truth. Judaism, despite itself, opened the way for the Christian Church.
28 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS One service which the dispersion rendered to Christianity has been illustrated by the scene at Pisidian Antioch. That service was the providing of an audience. Another service was the assurance of legal protection. This may be illustrated by another incident in The Acts—the appeal to Gallio. Acts 18 : 12-17. There the opposition of the Jews appears in all its bitterness. No doubt that opposition was a serious hindrance to the work of the Church. Just because Christianity was regarded as a Jewish sect, the Christians were subject to persecution by the Jewish authorities. But persecutions by the Jews, annoying though they were, were far less serious than opposition on the part of the Roman authorities. And the latter was, at first, conspicuously absent. Gallio’s decision is a fair example of the general attitude of the Roman magistrates. Christianity, as a Jewish sect, was allowed to go its way. Judaism, despite itself, afforded the Church legal protection. Beginning with these two striking scenes, the teacher may proceed to the more general presentation of the lesson. In what follows, the outline of the Student’s Text Book will be supplemented at one or two points.
Deportations of Jews to foreign countries took place at various times. The most famous of those deportations was carried out by Nebuchadnezzar after his conquest of Judah, about 600 B. C. Many of Nebuchadnezzar’s captives did not join in the return under the Persian monarchy, but remained permanently in the east and formed the nucleus of the large Jewish population of Mesopotamia. When Pompey conquered Palestine in the first century before Christ, he carried many Jews as slaves to Rome. Afterwards they were liberated, and formed a large Jewish colony at the capital of the empire. These are merely examples. Part of the dispersion was due to forcible exile. Other causes have been mentioned in the Student’s Text Book. It is a question, however, whether all of these causes combined are sufficient to account for the extraordinary growth of the dispersion. Schurer believes that the vastness of the Jewish population presupposes the merging of large bodies of proselytes into the Jewish people. He also believes, however, that these thoroughgoing conversions were less numerous in New Testament times than they had been before. Harnack calculates that at the time of the death of Augustus
THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY 29 there were from four million to four and a half million Jews in the Roman Empire, including about seven hundred thousand in Palestine, and that, if that estimate be correct, then the Jews formed perhaps some seven per cent of the total population. Of course, Harnack is himself the first to admit that such calculations are exceedingly uncertain. But so much at least is clear— the Jews in the first century were surprisingly numerous.
The name “Septuagint,” derived from the Latin word for “seventy,” has been applied to the Alexandrian translation of the Old Testament in reference to an ancient story about its origin. According to this story, the translation was made by seventy-two men summoned from Jerusalem by Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in order to add the Jewish law to the royal library at Alexandria. The story is certainly not true in details, and is probably not even correct in representing the translation as destined primarily for the royal library. More probably the translation was intended for the Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt. The Septuagint is a translation of the Hebrew Old Testament into the Greek world language of the period, and into the popular, spoken form of that language, not into the literary form. The translation differs widely in character in the different books, for many different translators had a part in it. Some of the books are translated with such slavish literalness as to be almost unintelligible to a Greek. Everywhere, indeed, the influence of the Hebrew original makes itself felt to some degree. Hebrew idioms are often copied in the translation instead of being remolded according to the peculiarities of the Greek language. The Septuagint exerted an important influence upon the language of the New Testament. The Septuagint was the Greek Bible of the New Testament writers, and the influence of a Bible upon language is very strong. A good example is afforded by the influence of the King James Version upon the whole development of modern English. It is not surprising, therefore, that as the Septuagint was influenced by Hebrew, so the language of the New Testament also displays a Semitic coloring. That coloring was induced partly by the Septuagint, but it was also induced in other ways. Part of the New Testament, for example the words of Jesus, goes back ultimately to an Aramaic original. All the New Testament
30 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS writers except one were Jews, and had spoken Aramaic as well as Greek. No wonder, then, that their Greek was influenced by the Semitic languages. This Semitic influence upon the language of the New Testament is not so great as was formerly supposed, but it cannot be ignored. The New Testament is written in the natural, non-literary form of the Greek world language. That is the main thing to be said. But upon this base is superposed an appreciable influence of Hebrew and Aramaic. The importance of the Septuagint for the early Christian mission was inestimable. Every pioneer missionary knows how difficult it is to create the vocabulary necessary to express new religious ideas. In the case of the earliest Christian mission, that labor had already been done. It had been done by the Jews of Alexandria. By the Septuagint, the great ideas of the Old Testament—and upon these ideas Christianity was based—had already been put into a Greek form. The Christian Church needed only to develop what had been begun. The Church made good use of her opportunity. The influence of the Septuagint upon the religious vocabulary of the New Testament writers was profound. The Septuagint had provided a vocabulary which was understood already by great masses of people—by the Jews of the dispersion and by the hosts of the “God-worshipers” who attended the synagogues. Naturally the Christian missionaries used the words which people could understand.
The Judaism of the dispersion was a wonderful preparation for the gospel. Israel ought to be regarded with gratitude and sympathy. But the ultimate object of gratitude is God. The Church was founded in a time of opportunity. The Roman Government had brought peace. The Greek language had welded the nations together. The dispersion of the Jews had prepared the way. These things did not come by chance. The nations were instruments in the hand of God. But instruments for what? A mighty, age-long plan! Centuries of preparation! At last the Saviour came. But did he come for naught? Or is he Saviour of you and me?
In the Library.—Edersheim (revised by White), “History of the Jewish Nation,” pp. 45-79. “The Jewish Encyclopedia”: Reinach, article on " Diaspora." Hastings, " Dictionary of the Bible “: Schiirer, article on " Diaspora,” extra volume, pp. 91-109.
LESSON VI THE MESSIAH
The teaching of this lesson may be begun with Acts 2 : 17-21. Surely the outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost was something new. Yet even that was explained by a reference to prophecy. And the reference is of remarkable aptness and beauty. The Pentecostal speech of Peter is full of the appeal to prophecy. Primarily, indeed, the claims of Jesus are supported by the direct testimony to his resurrection. Without the facts, of course appeal to prophecy would have been useless; for it was just the wonderful correspondence of the facts with the prophecies that could induce belief. Along with the direct testimony to the facts went the appeal to prophecy. The promised king of David’s line at last has come. Acts 2 : 30; II Sam. 7 : 12, 13; Ps. 89 : 3, 4; 132 : 11. And David’s son is David’s Lord—David’s Lord and ours. Acts 2 : 34, 35; Ps. 110 : 1; compare Matt. 22 : 41-46.
This speech of Peter is typical of the preaching of the early Church. The appeal to prophecy was absolutely central in the presentation of the gospel. Proof of that fact does not need to be sought. It is written plain on the pages of the New Testament. Old Testament prophecy was found to apply not merely to one side of the work of Christ, but to all sides. Israel had looked not merely for a king, but also for a prophet and a priest. Peter, after his first arrest, for example, could appeal to the notable prophecy of Deuteronomy: “A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto you from among your brethren, like unto me.” Acts 3 : 22; Deut. 18 : 15, 19. The author of Hebrews could appeal to the priest after the order of Melchizedek, Heb. 5:6; Ps. 110 : 4, and to the symbolic sacrifices of the temple which found their fulfillment on Calvary. The appeal to prophecy extended even to those things which were most distinctive of the Christian message. “I delivered unto you first of all,” says Paul, “that which also I received: that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was
32 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS buried; and that he hath been raised on the third day according to the scriptures.” I Cor. 15 : 3, 4. Here the death and the resurrection of Christ are both declared to be according to the Scriptures. That means that they were the subject of prophecy. But the death and the resurrection of Christ were the fundamental elements of the gospel. The gospel, then, in the form of prophecy, is to be found in the Old Testament. What Old Testament passages has Paul here in mind? With regard to the death for our sins, the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah was probably in his mind. That passage was being read by the Ethiopian when Philip met him, and Philip made the passage a basis for preaching about Jesus. Acts 8 : 27-35. With regard to the resurrection, it is natural to think of Ps. 16 : 10. Paul himself quoted that passage in his speech at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13 : 34-37. The appeal to prophecy did not begin with the apostles. It was initiated by Jesus himself. “To-day,” said Jesus at Nazareth after the reading of Isa. 61 : 1, 2, “hath this scripture been fulfilled in your ears.” A large claim! No wonder they found it difficult to accept. When John the Baptist asked, “Art thou he that cometh, or look we for another?” it was to “the works of the Christ” that Jesus appealed. Matt. 11 : 2-6; Isa. 35 : 5, 6; 61 : 1. These are merely examples. Throughout, Jesus represented himself and his kingdom as the fulfillment of the ancient promise. “O foolish men,” he said to the disciples on the way to Emmaus, “and slow of heart to believe in all that the prophets have spoken! Behooved it not the Christ to suffer these things, and to enter into his glory? And beginning from Moses and from all the prophets, he interpreted to them in all the scriptures the things concerning himself.” Luke 24 : 25-27.
When the gospel was preached to pure Gentiles, a great deal of preliminary labor had to be done. Under what title should the claims of the Saviour be presented? “Christ” to the Gentiles was almost meaningless, till explained. “Son of God” was open to sad misconception. There were “sons of God” in Greek mythology, but they were not what the early Christians meant to show that Jesus was. These difficulties were overcome, and speedily. Gentile Christians were imbued with a lofty and adequate conception of the Lord. The labor was great, but it was gloriously accomplished. In this labor, however, the missionaries were assisted by the
THE MESSIAH 33 synagogues of the Jews. In the synagogues, " Christ" was no new term, and no new conception. In the synagogues, one proposition needed first to be proved, " This Jesus . . . is the Christ." Acts 17 : 3. If that were proved, then the rest would follow. The Jews knew that the Messiah was Lord and Master. Identify Jesus with him, and all the lofty claims of Jesus would be substantiated. How the identity was established may be observed in the speech of Peter on the day of Pentecost, or in the speech of Paul at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13 : 16-43. It will be remembered that the synagogues attracted not merely Jews but also Gentiles. The Gentile “God-fearers,” as well as the Jews, were acquainted with the Messianic hope. Even the Gentile mission, therefore, was prepared for by the prophets of Israel.
The appeal to prophecy, however, was not merely valuable to the early Church. It is of abiding worth. It represents Jesus as the culmination of a divine purpose. The hope of Israel was in itself a proof of revelation, because it was so unlike the religious conceptions of other nations. The covenant people, the righteous king, the living God, the world-wide mission—that is the glory of Israel. The promise is itself a proof. But still more the fulfillment. The fulfillment was an unfolding. Wonderful correspondence in detail—and far more wonderful the correspondence of the whole! The promise was manifold. Sometimes the Messiah is in the foreground. Sometimes he is out of sight. Sometimes there is a human king, sometimes Jehovah himself coming to judgment; sometimes a kingdom, sometimes a new covenant in the heart; sometimes a fruitful Canaan, sometimes a new heaven and a new earth. But manifold though the promise, Christ is the fulfillment of it all. “How many soever be the promises of God,” in Christ is the yea. II Cor. 1 : 20. There is the wonder. In Christ the apparent contradictions of the promise become glorious unity, in Christ the deeper mysteries of the promise are revealed. Christ the keystone of the arch! Christ the culmination of a divine plan! That is the witness of the prophets. It is a witness worth having.
After the close of the Old Testament, the promise did not die. It was preserved in the Scriptures. It continued to be the life of
34 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS the Jewish nation. But it was not only preserved. It was also interpreted. Some of the interpretation was false, but much of it was true. The Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament promise is worthy of attention. What did the Jews of the first century mean by the Messiah, and what did they mean by the Messianic age? In the first place, they retained the hope of a king of David’s line—a human king who should conquer the enemies of Israel. When it was held in a one-sided form this was a dangerous hope. It led logically to materialistic conceptions of the kingdom of God and to political unrest. It led to the effort of the Jews to take Jesus by force and make him a king. John 6 : 15. It led to the quarrel of the disciples about the chief places in the kingdom. Matt. 18 : 1-4; Mark 9 : 33-35; Luke 9 : 46, 47. This conception of the Messiah had to be corrected by Jesus. “My kingdom is not of this world.” John 18 : 36. Yet even where the Messiah was conceived of as an earthly ruler, the spiritual hope was by no means always and altogether lost. The “Psalms of Solomon,” for example, Pharisaic psalms of the first century before Christ, though they look for an earthly ruler, picture him as one who shall rule in righteousness. “And a righteous king and taught of God is he that reigneth over them; And there shall be no iniquity in his days in their midst, for all shall be holy and their king is the Lord Messiah” (Ps. Sol. xvii, 35, 36. See Ryle and James, “Psalms of the Pharisees,” especially pp. 137- 147). No iniquity in the days of the Messiah! That is true understanding of the Old Testament, even joined with the political ideal. In the second place, however, the Messianic age is sometimes in later Judaism conceived of as purely supernatural. The Messiah is not an earthly ruler, merely helped by God, but himself a heavenly being, a preexistent “Son of Man,” judge of all the earth. The Messianic age is ushered in not by human warfare, but by a mighty catastrophic act of God. Not a liberated Canaan is here the ideal, but a new heaven and a new earth. This transcendental, supernaturalistic form of the Messianic hope appears in the “Book of Enoch” and other “apocalypses.” Its details are fantastic, but it was by no means altogether wrong. In many respects it was a correct interpretation of the divine promise. The new heavens and the new earth are derived from Isa. 65 : 17. The doctrine of the two ages was accepted by Jesus and by Paul—for example Matt. 12 : 32; Gal. 1 : 4; Eph. 1 : 21.
THE MESSIAH 35 The heavenly “Son of Man” goes back to Dan. 7 : 13, 14. The Book of Enoch was not altogether wrong. Its use of the title “Son of Man” prepared for the title which Jesus used. Finally, the Messianic hope was held in a pure and lofty form by the “poor of the land”—simple folk like those who appear in the first two chapters of Luke. In the hymns of Mary and Zacharias and Simeon, purely political and materialistic conceptions are in the background, and the speculations of the apocalypses do not appear. The highest elements of prophecy are made prominent. “For mine eyes have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of all peoples; a light for revelation to the Gentiles, and the glory of thy people Israel.” Luke 2 : 30-32. In those circles, the hope of Israel burned still and pure. Later Judaism thus preserved the manifoldness of prophecy. There was exaggeration and there was one-sidedness; but in Judaism as a whole the promise was preserved. One element at most was forgotten—the suffering servant and his sacrificial death. The death of the Messiah was no easy conception. The disciples had difficulty with it. When Peter heard of it, he took Jesus, and began to rebuke him. Matt. 16 : 22. The lesson was not easy, but it had to be learned. And it was worth learning. The cross is the heart of the gospel. Thus in Jesus nothing was left out, except what was false. The whole promise was preserved. The revealer of God, the ruler of the kingdom, the great high priest, the human deliverer, the divine Lord—these are the elements of the promise. They find their union in Christ. Leave one out, and the promise is mutilated. Such mutilation is popular to-day. The whole Christ seems too wonderful. But the Church can be satisfied with nothing less.
In the Library.—Beecher, “The Prophets and the Promise,” pp. 173-420.
LESSON VII THE BOOK OF THE ACTS
The teaching of the lesson may be begun with some very simple questions. If rightly put, they will open up a fresh way of looking at a New Testament book. The way will thus be prepared for considering the deeper elements of the lesson. If interest can be aroused in the book itself, the contents of the book, in the lessons which follow, will be studied with much livelier attention.
Who wrote the book of The Acts? How do you know? The former question will probably be answered without difficulty, but the latter may reveal difference of opinion. Many of the students will know that The Acts was written by the same man as the Gospel of Luke. But that does not settle the question. How do you know that Luke was written by Luke? The name does not occur in the Gospel itself. The title, “According to Luke,” was probably added later. So, in order to determine the authorship both of Luke and of The Acts, recourse must be had to Christian tradition. Fortunately, however, tradition in this case is quite unimpeachable. In the first place, although the author of The Acts is not named in the book, yet the book is not an anonymous work. Undoubtedly the name of the author was known from the beginning. For the book is dedicated to an individual, Theophilus. Evidently Theophilus knew who the author was. Information about the author could thus be had from the start. If, therefore, Luke did not really write The Acts, some one has removed the name of the true author and substituted “Luke” in place of it. That is an exceedingly unlikely supposition. In the second place, it is evident quite independently of any tradition that the book was written by an eyewitness of part of Paul’s missionary journeys. This fact appears from the so-called “we-sections” of the book. In certain portions of the narrative the author uses the first person instead of the third. Of this pe-
THE BOOK OF THE ACTS 37 culiarity there is only one satisfactory explanation. The author uses the first person when he is describing the experiences in which he himself had a part. When, for example, the author says, not, “They made a straight course to Samothrace,” but “We made a straight course,” Acts 16 : 11, he means that he was present on that voyage. This natural supposition is confirmed by the character of the “we-sections.” These sections are full of such a wealth of artless detail that no one but an eyewitness could possibly have written them. The only possible way of avoiding the conclusion that a companion of Paul wrote the book of The Acts is to maintain that although such a man wrote the “we-sections” some one else wrote the rest of the book. But that is unlikely in the extreme. If a later author had been simply using as a source a diary of a companion of Paul, he would surely either have told us he was quoting, or else have changed the first person to the third. By leaving the third person in he would simply have been producing nonsense. Everyone knew who the author of the book was. The book is dedicated to a definite man. The author evidently could not have palmed himself off as a companion of Paul even if he would. And if he desired to do it, he would not have chosen this remarkable way of doing it. Of course if he had been a mere thoughtless compiler he might have copied his source with such slavish exactness as to leave the “we” in without noticing that in the completed work it would produce nonsense. But he was most assuredly not a mere compiler. If he used sources, he did not use them that way. The book shows a remarkable unity of style. Modern research has demonstrated that fact beyond peradventure. There is a remarkable similarity of style between the “we-sections” and the rest of the book. Only one hypothesis, then, does justice to the facts. The author of the “we-sections” was also the author of the whole book. When he comes to those parts of the narrative in which he himself had a part, he says very naturally “we,” instead of “they.” The book of The Acts, then, was written by a companion of Paul. That fact stands firm, even apart from any tradition. And that is the really important fact. If the book was written by an eyewitness, the particular name of the eyewitness is comparatively unimportant. But the tradition as to the name is without doubt correct. There is not the slightest reason for calling it in question. What the book of The Acts itself says about its author fits exactly what Paul says about Luke.
38 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS 2. DATE
The authorship of The Acts is certain. The date, however, is not so clear. The book was written by Luke. But when was it written? The latter question cannot be answered with perfect precision. At least, however, since the book was written by Luke, it must have been written during the lifetime of a companion of Paul. A. D. 100, for example, would be too late, and A. D. 90 would be unlikely. A good deal can be said for putting the date at about A.D. 63. This early date would explain the abrupt ending of the book. One of the most curious things about The Acts is that the narrative is suddenly broken off just at the most interesting point. The trial of Paul is narrated at very great length, but we are not told how it came out. The final decision, the climax of the whole long narrative, is just at hand; but with regard to it we are left altogether in suspense. Was Paul released? Was he condemned and executed? The author does not say. His silence requires an explanation. The simplest explanation would be that Luke wrote his book at the very point of time where the narrative is broken off. Of course he could not tell us any more if nothing more had happened. He brought his narrative right up to date. Nothing more was possible. It is true, other explanations may be proposed. (a) It has been suggested, for example, that The Acts closes so abruptly because the author was saving something for another work. As The Acts is the continuation of the Gospel of Luke, so a third work, it is said, was planned as the continuation of The Acts. But even so, it seems rather strange that the author should not have given at least a hint of the outcome of that trial in order to take the edge off our curiosity. He has done something like that at the conclusion of his Gospel ; why not also at the conclusion of The Acts? (b) But perhaps the ending is not so abrupt as it looks. The author’s purpose, it is said, was not to write a biography of Paul, but to show how the gospel spread from Jerusalem to Rome. When Rome was reached, then the narrative was broken off. Biographical details—even the most interesting details about the most interesting character—were ruthlessly excluded. The plan of the book had been accomplished. For this explanation there is much to be said. But the trouble with it is that especially in the latter part of the book the author as a matter of fact does show considerable interest in
THE BOOK OF THE ACTS 39 biographical details. The trial and shipwreck of Paul are narrated with a fullness which is quite out of proportion to the rest of the history. After such a full account of the trial, it remains rather strange that the author has said not a word about the outcome. Either of these last two explanations is perfectly possible. Possibly The Acts was written as late as A. D. 80. But the early date at least explains the peculiar ending best of all.
Where did Luke get the materials for his work? Did he use written sources as well as oral information? The question has been discussed at very great length, but without much uniformity in the results. If he used written sources, at least he used them skillfully, placing upon them the imprint of his own style. The book possesses genuine unity. The really important fact about the sources of the book of The Acts is a negative fact. Whatever the sources were, the Pauline epistles were not among them. Compare the passages where Paul and Luke narrate the same events—for example Gal., chs. 1, 2, with the corresponding passages in The Acts—and it becomes evident that the two narratives are entirely independent. Luke did not use the Pauline epistles in writing his book. That is an exceedingly significant fact. It shows that The Acts is an independent witness. What is more, it strengthens materially the argument for the early date of The Acts. The Pauline epistles at a very early time began to be collected and used generally in the Church. In A. D. 100, for example, they would certainly have been used by anyone who was writing an account of Paul’s life. Since, therefore, the book of The Acts does not use them, that book must have been written earlier, and probably very much earlier. Even in A. D. 80, it would perhaps have been strange that the epistles should not have been used.
The proper purpose of a historian is to tell the truth. And Luke was a genuine historian. His own account of his method, Luke 1 : 1-4, shows that he knew the meaning of historical research, and the character of his books bears this out. Luke did not permit any desire of putting Christianity in a good light, or of defending one kind of Christianity against another, to interfere with the primary duty of truthfulness.
40 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS That does not mean, however, that the book of The Acts is like some modern university dissertations—written simply and solely in order to say some new thing, whether interesting or no. No great historian goes to work that way. Of course Luke had an interest in his subject matter. Of course he was convinced that Christianity was a great thing, and was full of enthusiasm in narrating its history. In that he was perfectly right. Christianity really was a great thing. The best celebration of its greatness was a narration of the facts. Christian faith is based on fact. Luke wrote, not only in the Gospel but also in The Acts, in order that his readers might know the certainty concerning the things wherein they were instructed. Luke 1 : 4.
The author of The Acts was well acquainted with the Old Testament. He was able to catch the spirit of the primitive Palestinian church. His books exhibit the influence of the Semitic languages. But he was also capable of a Greek style which would have passed muster in the schools of rhetoric. Luke 1 : 1-4, for example, is a typical Greek sentence. Evidently Luke could move with ease in the larger Greek world of his time. His references to political and social conditions are extraordinarily exact. His narrative is never lacking in local color. He knows the proper titles of the local officials, and the peculiar quality of the local superstitions. His account of the shipwreck is a mine of information about the seafaring of antiquity. Evidently he was a keen observer, and a true traveler of a cosmopolitan age. His narrative is characterized by a certain delightful urbanity—an urbanity, however, which is deepened and ennobled by profound convictions.
In the Library.—Warfield, “Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon,” in “The Temple Bible,” pp. i-xxvii. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Purves, article on “Acts of the Apostles.” Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 1-8. M’Clymont, “The New Testament and Its Writers,” in “The Guild Text Books,” pp. 41-46. Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Headlam, article on “Acts of the Apostles.”
LESSON VIII THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION THE FOUNDATION OF APOSTOLIC PREACHING
Which of the books of the New Testament contain the evidence for the resurrection of Jesus? That question will serve to begin the teaching of the lesson. In answer to it, the students will probably mention the four Gospels. To the Gospels, however, should be added especially the First Epistle to the Corinthians. The passage in First Corinthians is deserving of very careful attention. For, unlike the Gospels, that epistle can be dated to within a year or so. It was written only about twenty-five years after the crucifixion. Even though possibly some of the Gospels were written still earlier, the precision with which the epistle can be dated makes its witness particularly valuable. Furthermore, the author of the epistle is well known. No one doubts that First Corinthians was written by Paul, and Paul is the best-known man of apostolic times. Evidently his witness to the facts is of the utmost value. Paul himself was a direct witness of the resurrection. He saw the risen Lord. I Cor. 9:1; 15 : 8. In I Cor. 15 : 1-8, however, he does not content himself with his own witness, but reproduces the testimony of others in an extended list. That testimony had come to Paul by ordinary word of mouth. “I delivered unto you first of all,” says Paul, “that which also I received.” In what follows there is a list of the appearances of the risen Christ. “He appeared to Cephas; then to the twelve; then he appeared to above five hundred brethren at once, of whom the greater part remain until now, but some are fallen asleep; then he appeared to James; then to all the apostles; and last of all, as to the child untimely born, he appeared to me also.” Evidently these appearances are not conceived of merely as “visions,” but as events in the external world. The mention of the burial, v. 4, is a plain hint that what Peter and the rest saw was the body of Jesus raised from the tomb.
42 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS That view of the matter is amply confirmed in the Gospels and in the book of The Acts. In the Gospels, we are told that the tomb was found empty on the morning of the third day after the crucifixion. It was found empty by some women and by Peter and John. Since the tomb was empty, the body which appeared to the disciples had some connection with the body which had been taken down from the cross. Furthermore, the Gospels and The Acts make the bodily character of the appearances abundantly plain. Jesus did not merely appear to the disciples at a distance. He walked with them on the road to Emmaus. He broke bread with them. He came into the very midst of them when they were assembled in a room. Thomas could even touch his hands and his side. These are merely examples. Clearly the testimony of the disciples is testimony not to mere spiritual experiences, but to the bodily presence of the Lord. It may be admitted that the body was a glorified body. After his resurrection Jesus was freed from the limitations of his earthly life. Nevertheless, he was not merely a “spirit.” Luke 24 : 39. There was some real, though mysterious, connection between the glorified body and the body that had been laid in the tomb. The New Testament attests not merely the immortality of Jesus, but his resurrection. The resurrection, in these days, is hard to accept. For it is a miracle. Against any miracle there is a tremendous presumption. In this case, however, the presumption has been overcome. It has been overcome by the character of Jesus. It is in the highest degree unlikely that an ordinary man should rise from the dead; but it is not unlikely that Jesus should have risen. The resurrection is unique. But so is the life of Jesus of Nazareth. The two wonders support one another. Explain away the testimony to the resurrection, and your task is not done. You must also explain away that sinless life. If Jesus rose from the dead he had a unique experience. But that is to be expected. For Jesus himself was unlike any other of the children of men. There are mysteries in his life that have never been explained. The resurrection of Jesus is a well-attested fact of history. The proof of it is cumulative. Any one of the proofs might be regarded as insufficient when taken alone, but when taken together they are overpowering. The sinless, unearthly character of Jesus separates him from the rest of men, so that probabilities which apply to others do not apply to him. His mysterious self-consciousness involves so lofty a claim, that if he was not divine he was a megalo-
THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION 43 maniac—he whose calmness and strength have left an impression which the centuries have done nothing to efface! The specific testimonies to the empty tomb and to the plain bodily appearances of the risen Lord are independent and varied. Finally, unless the resurrection be a fact, the very origin of the Christian Church becomes an insoluble mystery. The resurrection alone can explain the sudden transformation of a company of weak, discouraged men into the conquerors of the world. The resurrection of Jesus is a fact of history. It is not an aspiration of the heart. It comes ultimately through the testimony of the senses. The apostles came forward with a piece of plain information. They were witnesses to a fact in the external world. That fact has put a new face upon life. It is good news of salvation.
The resurrection is a fact of history. Accept it as true, and you can have hope for time and for eternity. At this point, however, some men experience a difficulty. How can the acceptance of a historical fact satisfy the longing of our souls? Must we stake our salvation upon the intricacies of historical research? Surely some more immediate certitude is required. The objection would be valid if history stood alone. But history does not stand alone. It has suffered from a false isolation. A Christian certitude that is founded solely upon history is insufficient. History is necessary, but not sufficient. We need history, but we need something else as well. A historical conviction of the resurrection of Jesus is not the end of faith, but only the beginning. If faith stops there, it will never stand the fires of criticism. We are told that Jesus lives. So much is a matter of testimony, a matter of history. If we believe the witness, then we can have hope. But the religious problem of our lives has not yet been solved. Jesus lives. But what good is it to us? If he lives, we need to find him. We need to find him, and we can find him. We accept the message of the resurrection enough to make trial of it. And making trial of it, we find that it is true. Jesus is found to be alive, for he makes answer to our prayer, and heals us. We never could have come to him unless we had accepted the historical evidence for the resurrection. But starting with that historical belief we went on to the blessed experience of salvation. Christian experience cannot do without
44 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS history. But it adds to history that directness, that immediateness, that simplicity of conviction, which delivers us from fear. We began with history. But we went on to experience. “Now we believe, not because of thy speaking: for we have heard for ourselves, and know that this is indeed the Saviour of the world.”
Jesus is alive. If we find him, he will heal us. But how shall we find him? In the New Testament we receive instruction. In the New Testament a strange fact stares us in the face. The New Testament seems far more concerned with the death of Jesus than with the details of his life. Learned men have tried in vain to explain that curious fact. In elaborate treatises they have sought the explanation. But it is really very simple. The New Testament emphasizes the death of Jesus because that is what Jesus did for us—or rather, coming after his perfect obedience to the law, it is the culmination of what he did for us. In the account of Jesus’ life we are told what Jesus did for others. That account is absolutely necessary. Without it we should never have been interested in Jesus at all. But it is to us a means to an end, not an end in itself. We read in the Gospel what Jesus did for others. For one he placed his fingers in the ears and said, “Be opened”; to another he said, “Arise, take up thy bed, and walk”; to another, “Thy sins are forgiven.” These things are what Jesus did for others. But what has he done for us? The answer of the New Testament is plain. For us he does not say, “Arise and walk.” For us—he died. That mysterious thing which was wrought on Calvary—that was his work for us. The cross of Christ is a mystery. In the presence of it theology walks after all with but trembling, halting footsteps. Learning will never unlock its meaning. But to the penitent sinner, though mysterious, though full of baffling riddles, it is plain enough. On the cross Jesus dealt with our sin. Our dreadful guilt, the condemnation of God’s law—it is wiped out by an act of grace. It seemed inseparable from us. It was a burden no earthly friend could bear. But Christ is Master of the innermost secrets of the moral world. He has accomplished the impossible, he has borne our sins. By the cross he has healed us. But through whom does he apply the healing touch? Through no one, save his Spirit. For he is here himself. If we are seekers for him, then this day our search is over.
THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION 45 The death of Christ, in the modern Church, is often subordinated. Exclusive emphasis is laid upon the holy example and teaching of the Galilean prophet. The modern theologians would be right if there were no such thing as sin. If there were no such thing as guilt, and if there were no such thing as a dreadful enslaving power of evil, then a noble ideal might be sufficient. But to talk about an ideal to a man under the thralldom of sin is a cruel mockery. Sin may indeed be glossed over. Let us make the best of our condition, we are told, let us do the best we can, let us simply trust in the all-conquering love of God. Dangerous advice! By it a certain superficial joy of life may be induced. But the joy rests upon an insecure foundation. It is dangerous to be happy on the brink of the abyss. Permanent joy can come only when sin has been faced honestly, and destroyed. It has been destroyed by the death and resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. It is true that God is loving. He has manifested his love, however, better than by complacency toward sin. He has manifested it by the gracious gift of a Saviour.
In the Library.—Denney, “The Death of Christ.” Orr, “The Resurrection of Jesus.” Crawford, “The Doctrine of Holy Scripture Respecting the Atonement.”
LESSON IX THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH
The author of The Acts has given a wonderful picture of the early days of the Christian Church. The teacher should endeavor to present the picture before the mental vision of the class. History should not be studied merely as a dry record of events. The events should be seen as well as understood. They can be seen by what is called the historical imagination. The term “imagination” often contains a suggestion of unreality. But that is a secondary use of the word. “Imagination” means “picturing.” You can make a picture of what really happened as well as of what happened only in fiction. The historical imagination is a very important faculty in the student of the New Testament. In many persons it is almost wholly lacking. But fortunately it may be acquired. In the lessons that follow, great stress should be laid upon the simple memorizing of the course of events. Advanced study, or topical study, is useless unless it is based upon an orderly acquaintance with the contents of The Acts. History comes first—then the interpretation of the history. The dominant note in the early chapters of The Acts is the note of joy. After the three dark days of discouragement, after the quiet period of waiting, the life of the Church suddenly bursts forth with power. Everything is fresh and new. Difficulties and dangers have not yet emerged. Even persecution is lacking. The Church enjoys favor with the people. Thousands are converted in a day.
The gift of tongues, as it was exercised on the day of Pentecost, is not altogether an isolated phenomenon. It appears also elsewhere in The Acts, Acts 10 : 46; 19 : 6, though it may be doubted whether in all three cases it assumed exactly the same form. In the First Epistle to the Corinthians, Paul discusses the gift at considerable length. I Cor., ch. 14. It is interesting to compare that passage with the passage in the second chapter of The Acts. There are a number of resemblances between the two. Both Paul and Luke represent the gift of tongues as a supernatural thing,
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 47 a special endowment from the Spirit of God. Both Paul and Luke, furthermore, represent the gift as an ecstatic, temporary expression of spiritual exultation rather than as a faculty intended to be practically useful in the work of the Church. On the other hand, there are such marked differences between the two accounts as to make it evident that the gift as it was manifested at Pentecost was very considerably different from that which was exercised in the church at Corinth. The speaking with tongues as Paul describes it was a kind of ejaculation, expressive of the religious life of the speaker, but incomprehensible to others. In order, therefore, to make the gift edifying to the congregation at large there had to be some one else present who was in possession of another gift, the gift of interpretation. The speaking with tongues at Pentecost, however, was a miraculous use of various languages. Some have supposed that Luke is describing rather a new language, which possessed the supernatural quality of being understood by men of various nationalities. The most natural interpretation of the passage, however, is that which has just been suggested. The disciples, filled with the Spirit, spoke some in one language and some in another, or perhaps the same individuals used different languages at successive moments. The outsiders received various impressions of the strange phenomenon. Some, mocking, declared that the disciples were drunk. These, we may suppose, were men who came into contact with those disciples who were speaking some language known only to another group among the hearers. The general impression seems to have been wonder at the miraculous gift. The gift of tongues provided an opportunity for the first Christian preaching. In just this form it was perhaps never repeated. It was a unique gift provided for an absolutely unique occasion.
Ancient historians often put imaginary speeches into the mouths of their characters. The speeches were intended to represent not what was actually said but what might have been said under the circumstances. This procedure of the historians was not intended to deceive the readers. It was merely a literary form, a method of vivid description. Luke, however, seems not to have allowed himself even the license which was regarded as allowable by the best historians of antiquity. The speeches in The Acts are apparently either verbatim reports
48 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS of what was actually said, or else summaries based upon trustworthy tradition. If they had been composed freely by the historian himself their characteristic differences and their perfect adaptation to different occasions would be difficult to explain. The speeches of Peter and of the earliest disciples, in particular, are very different from those of Paul. They contain a number of features which occur either not at all or only rarely in the rest of the New Testament. The designation of Jesus as “the Servant,” for example, a designation taken from the latter part of Isaiah, is characteristic of these speeches. Another characteristic designation of Jesus is “Prince” or “Prince of life.” Acts 3 : 15; 5 : 31. In general, the representation of Jesus in the early chapters of The Acts is just what might have been expected under the circumstances. At the beginning of the Church’s life, everything is simple and easy of comprehension even by outsiders. The apostles represented Jesus first as a man approved of God by the miracles which he had wrought. To have delivered up such a man to death was itself a grievous sin. But that was not all. This Jesus who was crucified had been raised from the dead; and both in his death and in his resurrection he had fulfilled the Messianic predictions of the ancient prophets. He was then nothing less than the Christ. Now, too, his period of humiliation was over. He had been given the full powers of Lordship. From him had come the wonderworking Spirit. It will be observed that these speeches, though they begin with what is simplest and easiest of acceptance by an outsider, really contain, at least in germ, the full doctrine of the divine Christ.
The body of disciples who were assembled before the day of Pentecost consisted of only about one hundred and twenty persons. Acts 1 : 15. After the notable sermon of Peter, which was spoken in explanation of the gift of tongues, three thousand were converted. A little later the Church possessed five thousand men. Acts 4 : 4. The outward sign of conversion was baptism. “Repent ye,” said Peter, “and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ unto the remission of your sins; and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit.” Baptism was not altogether new. It had been practiced not only among converts to Judaism, but especially by John the Baptist. Christian baptism, however, is sharply distinguished from the baptism of John. Mark 1 : 7, 8; Acts 18 : 25; 19 : 1-6. Both were expressive of repentance. But Christian
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 49 baptism was connected specifically with Jesus, and also with the bestowal of the Spirit. Baptism was “in the name of Jesus Christ,” or “into the name of the Lord Jesus.” It was the sacrament by which the convert signified his cleansing from sin and his entrance into that peculiarly close relation to Christ which is of the essence of Christian experience. In itself, of course, the rite of baptism is useless. But when accompanied by faith it is a means of real blessing. Baptism, like the other Christian sacrament, the Lord’s Supper, was instituted by Christ himself. Matt. 28 : 19. In The Acts the full trinitarian formula of baptism is not given. “In the name of Jesus Christ” is sufficient to designate the sacrament.
The mysterious power that was working among the disciples was beneficent. It accomplished miracles of healing. As in the case of Jesus himself so now among his disciples the Spirit of God was manifested in the expulsion of demons. Matt. 12 : 28; Acts 5 : 16. The Spirit was manifested also in the healing of disease. One cure, in particular, is narrated with a wealth of vivid detail. The healing of the lame man led to the opposition of the Sanhedrin. It led also to favor among the people. All the people ran together in Solomon’s porch greatly wondering. Acts 3 : 11. Peter and John took no credit for what they had done. They attributed the miracle solely to the power of Jesus. It was the same Jesus against whom the crowd had shouted, “Crucify him, crucify him,” only a few weeks before. Surely a reason for remorse rather than joy! But God is gracious. Through Jesus, the crucified One, salvation was offered even to the murderers. Repentance was followed by rejoicing. The envy of the Sanhedrin was held in check. A notable miracle had been wrought. That miracle was not isolated. Many signs and wonders were wrought by the hands of the apostles. The people even “carried out the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that, as Peter came by, at the least his shadow might overshadow some one of them.” Acts 5 : 12-15. Perhaps we are to understand that that method of seeking cure was actually successful. Certainly it was an unusual method. But God adopts unusual methods at unusual times. He adapts his mercy to the needs of men. The general impression left by the early chapters of The Acts is an impression of light and gladness. There is opposition, but
50 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS it is powerless against triumphant joy. One incident, however, introduces a discordant note. It is the incident of Ananias and Sapphira. The early Church was animated by a spirit of self-sacrifice. Many of the disciples sold their possessions and devoted the price to the common good. One of those who did so was Joseph Barnabas, who was to be prominent in the subsequent history. A certain man, Ananias, however, and Sapphira his wife, after they had sold their possession kept back part of the price. In itself that was not necessarily wrong. Their sin was the sin of deception. They pretended to have given all, though they had really given only a part. A more destructive sin could scarcely have been imagined. They had lied unto the Holy Spirit. Such conduct would bring contempt upon the Church. Ananias and Sapphira discovered that God cannot be trifled with. And the judgment wrought upon them inspired fear in all who heard. It is well that this incident has been recorded. It prevents a one-sided impression of the Church’s life. The power that animated the Church was beneficent. But it was also terrible and mysterious and holy. In the presence of it there was joy. But that joy was akin to fear. “It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.” The lesson is of permanent value. The Spirit of God must be received with joy. But not with a common joy. Not with the joy of familiarity. But rather with the wondering, trembling joy of adoration.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 21-46. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Weeks, Feast of” and “Temple.” “The Cambridge Bible for Schools”: Lumby, “The Acts of the Apostles,” 1880, pp. 1-61. “The Bible Commentary,” vol. ii: Cook, “The Acts of the Apostles,” pp. 351-386. Ellicott, “A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,” vol. ii: Plumptre, “The Acts of the Apostles,” pp. 1-28. Rackham, “The Acts of the Apostles,” pp. 1-69. These commentaries will be designated hereafter by the names of the authors only.
LESSON X THE FIRST PERSECUTION
The persecution which arose in connection with Stephen marks a turning point in the history of the Church. Up to that time, the disciples had been content, for the most part, with laboring in Jerusalem. Now they were forced out into a broader field. One result of the persecution was the geographical extension of the Church. Another result was perhaps even more important. The extension caused by persecution was not merely geographical; it was also, perhaps, intellectual and spiritual. The Church was really from the beginning in possession of a new religious principle, but at first that principle was not fully understood. Persecution probably helped to reveal the hidden riches. The Pharisees were keener than the disciples themselves. Hostility sharpened the vision. The disciples themselves were still content to share in the established forms of Jewish worship; but the Pharisees saw that they were really advocates of a new principle. Christianity, unless it were checked, would supersede Judaism. The Pharisees were right. Jealous fear detected what ancestral piety had concealed. The hostility of the Jews perhaps helped to open the eyes of the Church. No doubt, a development was already at work. Persecution was the result as well as the cause of the new freedom. Stephen was persecuted possibly just because his preaching went beyond that of Peter. With or without persecution, the Church would have transcended the bounds of the older Judaism. It contained a germ of new life which was certain to bear fruit. But persecution hastened the process. It scattered the Church abroad, and it revealed the revolutionary character of the Church’s life. With the coming of Jesus a new era had begun. Judaism had before been separate from the Gentile world. That separation had been due not to racial prejudice, but to a divine ordinance. It had served a useful purpose. Jewish particularism should never be despised; it should be treated with piety and gratitude. It had preserved the precious deposit of truth in the midst of heathenism. But its function, though useful, was temporary. It was a
52 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS preparation for Christ. Before Christ it was a help; after Christ it became a hindrance. Persecution was not the beginning of the new freedom. Freedom was based upon the words of Jesus. It had become plainer again, perhaps, in the teaching of Stephen. Furthermore, if freedom was not begun by the persecution, it was also not completed by it. The emancipation of the Church from Judaism was a slow process. The unfolding of that process is narrated in The Acts. Even after the Church was scattered abroad through Judea and Samaria, much remained to be done. Cornelius, Antioch, Paul were still in the future. Nevertheless, the death of Stephen was an important event. It was by no means the whole of the process; but it marks an epoch. The gradual rise of persecution should be traced in class—first the fruitless arrest of Peter and John and their bold defiance; then the arrest of the apostles, the miraculous escape, the preaching in the temple, the re-arrest, the counsel of Gamaliel, the scourging; then the preaching of Stephen and the hostility of the Pharisees. The opposition of the Sadducees was comparatively without significance. The Sadducees were not Jews at heart. They might persecute the Church just because the Church was patriotically Jewish. But the Pharisees were really representative of the existing Judaism. Pharisaic persecution meant the hostility of the nation. And it implied the independence of the Church. If the disciples were nothing but Jews, why did the Jews persecute them? In what follows, a few details will be discussed.
Judas the Galilean, mentioned by Gamaliel, Acts 5 : 37, appears also in Josephus. His insurrection occurred at the time of the great enrollment under Quirinius, the Syrian legate. This enrollment was different from that which brought Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem at the time of the birth of Jesus. Luke 2 : 2-5. That former enrollment occurred before the death of Herod the Great in 4 B. C. Luke 1:5; Matt. 2 : 1. The enrollment to which Gamaliel referred was carried out after the deposition of Archelaus in A. D. 6. With regard to Judas all is clear. But Theudas is known only from Acts 5 : 36. The Theudas who is mentioned in Josephus is different, for his insurrection did not occur till about A. D. 44, after the time of Gamaliel’s speech. Gamaliel was referring to
THE FIRST PERSECUTION 53 some insurrection of an earlier period. The name Theudas was common, and so were tumults and insurrections.
It has been questioned whether the seven men who were appointed to assist the apostles were “deacons.” The title is not applied to them. The narrative does, indeed, imply that they were to “serve tables,” Acts 6 : 2, and the Greek word here translated “serve” is the verb from which the Greek noun meaning “deacon” is derived; but the same word is also used for the “ministry [or service] of the word” in which the apostles were to continue. V. 4. The special technical use of the word “deacon” appears in the New Testament only in Phil. 1 : 1 ; I Tim. 3 : 8, 12. Compare Rom. 16 : 1. Nevertheless, though the word itself does not occur in our passage, it is perhaps not incorrect to say that the seven were “deacons.” Their functions were practically those of the diaconate; their appointment, at any rate, shows that the apostles recognized the need of some such office in the Church. It is not quite clear what is meant by the expression, to “serve tables.” The reference is either to tables for food, or else to the money tables of a banker. If the former interpretation be correct, then the deacons were to attend especially to the management of the common meals. Even then, however, the expression probably refers indirectly to the general administration of charity, a prominent part of the service being mentioned simply as typical of the whole.
The Greek word translated “Libertines” in Acts 6 : 9 comes from the Latin word for “freedmen.” The freedmen here mentioned were probably descendants of Jews taken by Pompey as slaves to Rome. The Jewish opponents of Stephen therefore included Romans, men of eastern and middle north Africa, and men of eastern and western Asia Minor. These foreign Jews, when they settled in Jerusalem, had their own synagogues. It is doubtful how many synagogues are mentioned in our passage. Luke may mean that each of the five groups had a separate synagogue, or he may be grouping the men of Cilicia and Asia in one synagogue. The wording of the Greek perhaps rather favors the view that only two synagogues are mentioned—one consisting of Libertines and men of Cyrene and Alexandria, and the other consisting of Cilicians and Asians.
54 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS 4. THE SPEECH OF STEPHEN
In defending himself, Stephen gave a summary of Hebrew history. At first sight, that summary might seem to have little bearing upon the specific charges that had been made. But the history which Stephen recited was a history of Israel. “You are destroying the divine privileges of Israel”—that was the charge. “No,” said Stephen, “history shows that the true privileges of Israel are the promises of divine deliverance. To them law and temple are subordinate. From Abraham on there was a promise of deliverance from Egypt. After that deliverance another deliverance was promised. It is the one which was wrought by Jesus. Moses, God’s instrument in the first deliverance, was rejected by his contemporaries. Jesus, the greater Deliverer, was rejected by you. We disciples of Jesus are the true Israelites, for we, unlike you, honor the promises of God.” Other interpretations of the speech have been proposed. For example, some find the main thought of the speech to be this: “The wanderings of the patriarchs and the long period of time which elapsed before the building of the temple show that true and acceptable worship of God is not limited to any particular place.” At any rate, the speech requires study—and repays it. What was said in the last lesson about the speeches of The Acts in general applies fully to the speech of Stephen. The very difficulties of the speech, as well as its other peculiarities, help to show that it represents a genuine tradition of what, in a unique situation, was actually said.
The word “martyr” is simply the Greek word for “witness.” That is the word which is translated “witness” in Acts 1 : 8. “Ye shall receive power, when the Holy Spirit is come upon you: and ye shall be my witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea and Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth.” There, of course, there is no special reference to dying for the sake of Christ. It is primarily the ordinary verbal testimony which is meant. The special meaning “martyr” is not often attached to the Greek word in the New Testament. Probably even in Acts 22 : 20, where the word is applied to Stephen, it is to be translated “witness” rather than “martyr.” Martyrdom, then, is only one kind of witnessing. But it is a very important kind. Men will not die for what they do not believe. When Stephen sank beneath the stones of his enemies
THE FIRST PERSECUTION 55 he was preaching a powerful sermon. The very fact of his death was a witness to Christ. The manner of it was still more significant. Stephen, crying in the hour of death, “Lord Jesus, receive my spirit,” Stephen dying with words of forgiveness on his lips, “Lord, lay not this sin to their charge,” was a witness indeed. The Church can never do without that kind of witnessing. True, it may not now often appear as actual martyrdom. But bravery is needed as much as ever—bravery in business, men who will not say, “Business is business,” but will do what is right even in the face of failure; bravery in politics, men to whom righteousness is more than a pose; bravery in social life, men and women who will sacrifice convention every time to principle, who, for example, will maintain the Christian Sabbath in the face of ridicule. Modern life affords plenty of opportunities for cowardice, plenty of opportunities for denying the faith through fear of men. It also affords opportunities for bravery. You can still show whether you are of the stuff that Stephen was made of—above all, you can show whether you are possessed of the same Spirit and are a servant of the same Lord.
The persecution resulted only in the spread of the gospel. Gamaliel was right. It was useless to fight against God. The disciples were in possession of an invincible power, and they knew it from the very beginning. When Peter and John returned from their first arrest, the disciples responded in a noble prayer. Acts 4 : 24-30. Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel, gathered together against Jesus, had accomplished only what God’s hand and God’s counsel foreordained to come to pass. So it would be also with the enemies of the Church. When the disciples had prayed, “the place was shaken wherein they were gathered together; and they were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and they spake the word of God with boldness.” The answer to that prayer was prophetic of the whole history of the Church.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 40-42, 47-55. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible” : articles on “Gamaliel,” “Theudas,” “Judas” (6), “Deacon”; Purves, article on “Stephen.” Ramsay, “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 44-65. Rackham, pp. 69-111. Lumby, pp. 61-97. Plumptre, pp. 28-47. Cook, pp. 386-406.
LESSON XI THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS
This lesson treats of a number of steps in the extension of the gospel. The beginning is the purely Jewish Church that is described in the first chapters of The Acts; the goal is the Gentile Christianity of Paul. Gentile Christianity was not produced all at once. The extension of the gospel to Gentiles was a gradual process. The present lesson is concerned only with the early stages. The teacher should present the lesson in such a way as to emphasize the main feature of the narrative. The main feature is the central place assigned to the Holy Spirit. Though the extension of the gospel to the Gentiles was a process, that process was due not to mere natural development, but to the gracious leading of God. As was observed in Lesson X, Stephen perhaps introduced into the Church a more independent attitude toward the existing Judaism. There is no reason, indeed, to suppose that he thought either of preaching to Gentiles or of forsaking the ceremonial law. But possibly he did venture to exhibit the temporary and provisional character of the temple worship as compared with the promises of God. Indirectly, therefore, though certainly not directly, Stephen opened the way for the Gentile mission. The persecution was another step in the process. It scattered the Jews abroad into regions where Gentiles were more numerous than in Jerusalem, and served perhaps also to reveal to the Church itself its incompatibility with Pharisaic Judaism. The evangelization of Samaria was another important step. Though the Samaritans were only half Gentiles, they were particularly detested by the Jews. In preaching to them, the disciples were overcoming Jewish scruples, and thus were moving in the direction of a real Gentile mission. The baptizing of the Ethiopian may have been another step in the process. The most important event, however, was the conversion of Cornelius and his household. Here the issue was clearly raised. Cornelius did not, like the Ethiopian, depart at once after baptism to a
THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS 57 distant home. His reception into the Church was a matter of public knowledge. Luke was well aware of the importance of the story about Cornelius. That appears from the minuteness with which the story is narrated. After it has been completed once, it is repeated, at very considerable length, as a part of Peter’s defense at Jerusalem. The effect is as though this incident were heavily underscored. The importance of the Cornelius incident appears also in the fact that it gave rise to criticism. Apparently this was the first serious criticism which the gradually widening mission had encountered within the Church. There is no suggestion of such criticism in the case of the preaching in Samaria. But now a much more radical step had been taken. Peter had eaten with uncircumcised men. Acts 11:3. A more serious violation of Jewish particularism could hardly have been imagined. In defense, Peter appealed simply to the manifest authorization which he had received from God. That authorization had appeared first of all in the visions which Peter and Cornelius had received, with other direct manifestations of the divine will, and also more particularly in the bestowal of the Spirit. If the Spirit was given to uncircumcised Gentiles, then circumcision was no longer necessary to membership in the Church. In the narrative about Cornelius, there is a remarkable heaping up of supernatural guidance. Vision is added to vision, revelation to revelation. The reason is plain. A decisive step was being taken. If taken by human initiative, it was open to criticism. The separateness of Israel from other nations was a divine ordinance. Since it had been instituted by God, it could be abrogated only by him. True, Jesus had said, “Make disciples of all the nations.” Matt. 28 : 19. But the how and the when had been left undecided. Were the Gentiles to become Jews in order to become Christians, and was the Gentile mission to begin at once? Those were grave questions. They could not be decided without divine guidance. That guidance was given in the case of Cornelius. Peter’s defense was readily accepted. “And when they heard these things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, Then to the Gentiles also hath God granted repentance unto life.” The active opposition to the Gentile mission did not arise until later. But how could that opposition arise at all? Since God had spoken so clearly, who could deny to the Gentiles a free
58 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS entrance into the Church? After the case of Cornelius, how could any possible question arise? As a matter of fact—though it may seem strange—the acceptance of Cornelius did not at first determine the policy of the Church. That incident remained, indeed, stored up in memory. It was appealed to years afterwards by Peter himself, in order to support the Gentile Christianity of Paul. Acts 15 : 7-9, 14. But so far as the practice of the Jewish Church was concerned, the Cornelius incident seems to have remained for a time without effect. The bestowal of the Spirit upon Cornelius and his friends was regarded, apparently, as a special dispensation which fixed no precedent. Before engaging in further preaching to Gentiles, the Church was waiting, perhaps, for manifestations of the divine will as palpable as those which had been given to Peter and to Cornelius. This attitude is rather surprising. It must be remembered, however, that for the present the Church was fully engrossed in work for Jews. Undoubtedly, a Gentile work is to come, and the Cornelius incident, as well as what Jesus had said, was regarded as prophetic of it, Acts 11 : 18; but the time and the manner of its institution were still undetermined. Were the Gentile converts generally—whatever might be the special dispensation for Cornelius—to be required to submit to circumcision and become members of the chosen people? This and other questions had not yet even been faced. Engrossed for the present in the Jewish mission, the Church could leave these questions to the future guidance of God. In what follows, a number of special points will be briefly discussed.
After the baptism of the Ethiopian, “the Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip; and the eunuch saw him no more, for he went on his way rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus: and passing through he preached the gospel to all the cities, till he came to Caesarea.” The meaning of these words is not perfectly plain. Are we to understand that Philip was carried away to Azotus by a miracle, or is nothing more intended than a sudden departure under the impulsion of the Spirit? The latter interpretation is not at all impossible. What has been emphazised in the whole narrative is the strangeness, the unaccountableness of Philip’s
THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS 59 movements. This appears particularly in the sudden separation from the eunuch. The eunuch expected further conference with Philip but suddenly Philip rushed off, as though snatched away by a higher power. All through this incident, there is something strangely sudden and unexpected about Philip’s movements. Human deliberation evidently had no part in his actions. He was under the immediate impulsion of the Spirit. The narrative leaves Philip at Caesarea, and there he appears years afterwards, at the time of Paul’s last journey to Jerusalem. Acts 21 : 8, 9. Luke was at that time one of the company, and may have received directly from Philip the materials for the narrative in the eighth chapter of The Acts. Philip appears in Christian tradition, but there is some confusion between Philip the evangelist and Philip the apostle.
Simon the sorcerer, or “Simon Magus,” is an interesting figure. He has laid hold of the fancy of Christendom. From his name— with reference to Acts 8 : 18, 19—the word “simony” has been coined to designate the sin of buying or selling any sort of spiritual advantage. Simon is very prominent in Christian tradition, where he is regarded as the fountainhead of all heresy.
Cornelius was a “centurion,” or captain of a company in the Roman army consisting of about one hundred men. The “Italian band” to which he belonged was apparently a “cohort,” composed of soldiers from Italy. Cornelius was stationed at Caesarea, the residence of the procurators of Judea. With the favorable description of his attitude to the Jews and to the Jewish religion, Acts 10 : 2, should be compared what Luke, in his Gospel, records about another centurion. Luke 7:4, 5. These are sympathetic pictures of the “God-fearing” adherents of Judaism, who formed so important a class at the time of the first Christian preaching.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 59-67, 91-98. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Samaria,” “Samaritan,” “Philip” (7), “Simon” (9), “Caesarea,” “Cornelius.” Ramsay, “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 66-104. Rackham, pp. 111-124, 141-163. Lumby, pp. 97-108, 122-142. Plumptre, pp. 47-55, 63-73. Cook, pp. 407-413, 419-430.
LESSON XII THE CONVERSION OF PAUL
Christianity a supernatural thing and a gift of God’s grace— that is the real theme of the lesson. The theme is brought home by means of an example, the example of the apostle Paul. The religious experience of Paul is the most striking phenomenon in the history of the human spirit. It really requires no defense. Give it sympathetic attention, and it is irresistible. How was it produced? The answer of Paul himself, at least, is plain. According to Paul, his whole religious life was due, not to any natural development, but to an act of the risen Christ. That is the argument of the first chapter of Galatians. He was advancing in Judaism, he says, beyond his contemporaries. He was laying waste the Church. And then suddenly, when it was least to be expected, without the influence of men, simply by God’s good pleasure, Christ was revealed to him, and all was changed. The suddenness, the miraculousness of the change is the very point of the passage. Upon that marvelous act of God Paul bases the whole of his life work. Shall Paul’s explanation of his life be accepted? It can be accepted only by the recognition of Jesus Christ, who was crucified, as a living person. In an age of doubt, that recognition is not always easy. But if it be refused, then the whole of Pauline Christianity is based upon an illusion. That alternative may well seem to be monstrous. The eighth chapter of Romans has a selfevidencing power. It has transformed the world. It has entered into the very fiber of the human spirit. But it crumbles to pieces if the appearance on the road to Damascus was nothing but a delusive vision. Let us not deceive ourselves. The religious experience of Paul and the whole of our evangelical piety are based upon the historical fact of the resurrection. But if so, then the resurrection stands firm. For the full glory of Pauline Christianity becomes a witness to it. The writer of the epistle to the Romans must be believed. But it is that writer who says, “Last of all . . . he appeared to me also.” The wonder of the conversion can be felt only through an exercise
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL 61 of the historical imagination. Imagine the surroundings of Paul’s early life in Tarsus, live over again with him the years in Jerusalem, enter with him into his prospects of a conventional Jewish career and into his schemes for the destruction of the Church—and then only can you appreciate with him the catastrophic wonder of Christ’s grace. There was no reason for the conversion of Paul. Everything pointed the other way. But Christ chose to make of the persecutor an apostle, and the life of Paul was the result. It was a divine, inexplicable act of grace—grace to Paul and grace to us who are Paul’s debtors. God’s mercies are often thus. They are not of human devising. They enter into human life when they are least expected, with a sudden blaze of heavenly glory. In the review of Paul’s early life various questions emerge. They must at least be faced, if not answered, if the lesson is to be vividly presented.
In the first place, what was the extent of the Greek influence which was exerted upon Paul at Tarsus? The question cannot be answered with certainty, and widely differing views are held. It is altogether unlikely, however, that the boy attended anything like an ordinary Gentile school. The Jewish strictness of the family precludes that supposition, and it is not required by the character of Paul’s preaching and writing. It is true that he occasionally quotes a Greek poet. I Cor. 15 : 33; Titus 1 : 12; Acts 17 : 28. It is true again that some passages in Paul’s letters are rhetorical—for example, I Cor. 1 : 18-25; ch. 13—and that rhetoric formed an important part of Greek training in the first century. But Paul’s rhetoric is the rhetoric of nature rather than of art. Exalted by his theme he falls unconsciously into a splendid rhythm of utterance. Such rhetoric could not be learned in school. Finally, it is true that Paul’s vocabulary is thought to exhibit some striking similarities to that of Stoic writers. But even if that similarity indicates acquaintance on the part of Paul with the Stoic teaching, such acquaintance need not have been attained through a study of books. However, the importance of Paul’s Greek environment, if it must not be exaggerated, must on the other hand not be ignored. In the first place, Paul is a consummate master of the Greek language. He must have acquired it in childhood, and indeed in Tarsus could hardly have failed to do so. In the second place,.
62 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS he was acquainted with the religious beliefs and practices of the Greco-Roman world. The speech at Athens, Acts 17 : 22-31, shows how he made use of such knowledge for his preaching. In all probability the first impressions were made upon him at Tarsus. Finally, from his home in Tarsus Paul derived that intimate knowledge of the political and social relationships of the men of his day which, coupled with a native delicacy of perception and fineness of feeling, resulted in the exquisite tact which he exhibited in his missionary and pastoral labors. The Tarsian Jew of the dispersion was a gentleman of the Roman Empire. That Aramaic, as well as Greek, was spoken by the family of Paul is made probable by Phil. 3 : 5 and II Cor. 11 : 22. The word “Hebrew” in these passages probably refers especially to the use of the Aramaic (“Hebrew”) language, as in Acts 6:1, where the “Hebrews” in the Jerusalem church are contrasted with the “Grecian Jews.” “A Hebrew of Hebrews,” therefore, probably means “an Aramaic-speaking Jew and descended from Aramaicspeaking Jews.” In Acts 21 : 40; 22 : 2 it is expressly recorded that Paul made a speech in Aramaic (“Hebrew”), and in Acts 26 : 14 it is said that Christ spoke to him in the same language. Conceivably, of course, he might have learned that language during his student days in Jerusalem. But the passages just referred to make it probable that it was rather the language of his earliest home. From childhood Paul knew both Aramaic and Greek.
The most interesting question about Paul’s life at Jerusalem concerns the condition of his inner life before the conversion. Paul the Pharisee is an interesting study. What were this man’s thoughts and feelings and desires before the grace of Christ made him the greatest of Christian missionaries? The best way to answer this question would be to ask Paul himself. One passage in the Pauline epistles has been regarded as an answer to the question. That passage is Rom. 7 : 14-25. There Paul describes the struggle of the man who knows the law of God and desires to accomplish it, but finds the flesh too strong for him. If Paul is there referring to his pre-Christian life, then the passage gives a vivid picture of his fruitless struggle as a Pharisee to fulfill the law. Many interpreters, however, refer the passage not to the pre-Christian life but to the Christian life.
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL 63 Even in the Christian life the struggle goes on against sin. And even if Paul is referring to the pre-Christian life, he is perhaps depicting it rather as it really was than as he then thought it was. The passage probably does not mean that before he became a Christian Paul was fully conscious of the fruitlessness of his endeavor to attain righteousness by the law. Afterwards he saw that his endeavor was fruitless, but it is doubtful how clearly he saw it at the time. It would, indeed, be a mistake to suppose that Paul as a Pharisee was perfectly happy. No man is happy who is trying to earn salvation by his works. In his heart of hearts Paul must have known that his fulfillment of the law was woefully defective. But such discontentment would naturally lead him only farther on in the same old path. If his obedience was defective, let it be mended by increasing zeal! The more earnest Paul was about his law righteousness, the more discontented he became with his attainments, so much the more zealous did he become as a persecutor. Some have supposed that Paul was gradually getting nearer to Christianity before Christ appeared to him—that the Damascus experience only completed a process that had already begun. There were various things, it is said, which might lead the earnest Pharisee to consider Christianity favorably. In the first place, there was the manifest impossibility of law righteousness. Paul had tried to keep the law and had failed. What if the Christians were right about salvation by faith? In the second place, there were the Old Testament prophecies about a suffering servant of Jehovah. Isa., ch. 53. If they referred to the Messiah, then the cross might be explained, as the Christians explained it, as a sacrifice for others. The stumblingblock of a crucified Messiah would thus be removed. In the third place, there was the noble life and death of the Christian martyrs. These arguments are not so weighty as they seem. Paul’s dissatisfaction with his fulfillment of the law, as has already been observed, might lead to a more zealous effort to fulfill the law as well as to a relinquishment of the law. There seems to be no clear evidence that the pre-Christian Jews ever contemplated a death of the Messiah like the death of Jesus. On the contrary the current expectation of the Messiah was diametrically opposed to any such thing. And admiration of the Christian martyrs is perhaps too modern and too Christian to be attributed to the
64 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS Pharisee. The fundamental trouble with this whole argument is that it proves merely that the Pharisee Paul ought to have been favorably impressed with Christianity. So he ought, but as a matter of fact he was not so impressed, and we have the strongest kind of evidence to prove that he was not. The book of The Acts says so, and Paul says so just as clearly in his letters. The very fact that when he was converted he was on a persecuting expedition, more ambitious than any that had been attempted before, shows that he was certainly not thinking favorably of Christianity. Was he considering the possibility that Christianity might be true? Was he trying to stifle his own inward uncertainty by the very madness of his zeal? Then, in persecuting the Church, he was going against his conscience. But in I Tim. 1 : 13 he distinctly says that his persecuting was done ignorantly in unbelief, and his attitude is the same in his other epistles. If in persecuting the Church he was acting contrary to better conviction, then that fact would have constituted the chief element in his guilt; yet in the passages where he speaks with the deepest contrition of his persecution, that particularly heinous sin is never mentioned. Evidently, whatever was his guilt, at least he did not have to reproach himself with the black sin of persecuting Christ’s followers in the face of even a half conviction. Accordingly, the words of Christ to Paul at the time of the conversion, “It is hard for thee to kick against the goad,” Acts 26 : 14, do not mean that Paul had been resisting an inward voice of conscience in not accepting Christ before, but rather that Christ’s will for Paul was really resistless even though Paul had not known it at all. Christ’s loving plan would be carried out in the end. Paul was destined to be the apostle to the Gentiles. For him to try to be anything else was as useless and as painful as it is for the ox to kick against the goad. Christ will have his way. Thus before his conversion Paul was moving away from Christianity rather than toward it. Of course, in emphasizing the suddenness of the conversion, exaggerations must be avoided. It is absurd, for example, to suppose that Paul knew nothing at all about Jesus before the Damascus event. Of course he knew about him. Even if he had been indifferent, he could hardly have failed to hear the story of the Galilean prophet; and as a matter of fact he was not indifferent but intensely interested, though by way of opposition. These things were not done in a corner. Paul
THE CONVERSION OF PAUL 65 was in Jerusalem before and after the crucifixion, if not at the very time itself. The main facts in the life of Jesus were known to friend and foe alike. Thus when in the first chapter of Galatians Paul declares that he received his gospel not through any human agency but directly from Christ, he cannot mean that the risen Christ imparted to him the facts in the earthly life of Jesus. It never occurred to Paul to regard the bare facts as a “gospel.” He had the facts by ordinary word of mouth from the eyewitnesses. What he received from the risen Christ was a new interpretation of the facts. He had known the facts before. But they had filled him with hatred. He had known about Jesus. But the more he had known about him, the more he had hated him. And then Christ himself appeared to him! It might naturally have been an appearance in wrath, a thunderstroke of the just vengeance of the Messiah. Probably that was Paul’s first thought when he heard the words, “I am Jesus whom thou persecutest.” But such was not the Lord’s will. The purpose of the Damascus wonder was not destruction but divine fellowship and world-wide service.
In one sense, the experience of Paul is the experience of every Christian. Not, of course, in form. It is a great mistake to demand of every man that he shall be able, like Paul, to give day and hour of his conversion. Many men, it is true, still have such a definite experience. It is not pathological. It may result in glorious Christian lives. But it is not universal, and it should not be induced by tactless methods. The children of Christian homes often seem to grow up into the love of Christ. When they decide to unite themselves definitely with the Church, the decision need not necessarily come with anguish of soul. It may be simply the culmination of a God-encircled childhood, a recognition of what God has already done rather than the acquisition of something new. But after all, these differences are merely in the manner of God’s working. In essence, true Christian experience is always the same, and in essence it is always like the experience of Paul. It is no mere means of making better citizens, but an end in itself. It is no product of man’s effort, but a divine gift. Whatever be the manner of its coming, it is a heavenly vision. Christ still lives in the midst of glory. And still he appears to sinful men— though not now to the bodily eye—drawing them out of sin and
66 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS misery and bondage to a transitory world into communion with the holy and eternal God. The result of Paul’s vision was service. How far his destination as apostle to the Gentiles was made known to him at once is perhaps uncertain. It depends partly upon the interpretation of Acts 26 : 14-18. Are those words intended to be part of what was spoken at the very time of the conversion? There is no insuperable objection to that view. At any rate, no matter how much or how little was revealed at once, the real purpose of Christ in calling him was clearly that he should be the leader of the Gentile mission. Gal. 1 : 16. He was saved in order that he might save others. It is so normally with every Christian. Every one of us is given not only salvation, but also labor. In that labor we can use every bit of preparation that is ours, even if it was acquired before we became Christians. Paul, the apostle, used his Greek training as well as his knowledge of the Old Testament. We can use whatever talents we possess. The Christian life is not a life of idleness. It is like the life of the world in being full of labor. But it differs from that life in that its labor is always worth while. Connection with heaven does not mean idle contemplation, but a vantage ground of power. You cannot move the world without a place to stand.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 68-85. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: article on “Damascus.” Ramsay, “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 113-120; “St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,” pp. 29-39; “The Cities of St. Paul,” pp. 85-244 (on Tarsus). Conybeare and Howson, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chs. ii and iii. Lewin, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chs. i and iv. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 1-42. Rackham, pp. 124-135, 421-424, 462-470. Lumby, pp. 108- 116, 302-307, 344-349. Plumptre, pp. 55-61, 150-152, 165-167. Cook, pp. 413-417, 498-500, 516-519.
LESSON XIII THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH
Christianity originated in an obscure corner of the Roman Empire, in the midst of a very peculiar people. At first, it was entirely out of relation to the larger life of the time. The atmosphere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined; the very conception of Messiahship is distinctively Jewish. Yet this Jewish sect soon entered upon the conquest of the empire, and the Jewish Messiah became the Saviour of the world. Starting from Jerusalem, the new sect spread within a few decades almost to the remotest corners of the civilized world. This remarkable extension was not the work of any one man or group of men. It seemed rather to be due to some mysterious power of growth, operating in many directions and in many ways. In this manifold extension of the gospel, however, the central event of to-day’s lesson stands out with special clearness. Christianity began as a Jewish movement, quite incongruous with the larger life of the empire. What would be the result of its first real contact with the culture of the time? This question was answered at Antioch. At Antioch, the principles of the Gentile mission had to be established once for all—those principles which have governed the entire subsequent history of the Church. The extension of the gospel to the Gentiles was not a mere overcoming of racial prejudice, for the separateness of Israel had been of divine appointment; it involved rather the recognition that a new dispensation had begun. Primitive Christianity was not governed merely by considerations of practical expediency; it sought justification for every new step in the guidance of the Spirit and in the fundamental principles of the gospel. The development of those fundamental principles was necessary in order to show that Christianity was really more than a Jewish sect. Then as always, religion without theology would have been a weak and flabby thing. Christianity is not merely an instrument for the improving of social conditions, but rather an answer to the fundamental questions of the soul. It can never do without thinking, and Christian thinking is theology. Fortunately the church at Antioch did not long remain without
68 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS a theologian. Its theologian was Paul. Paul was not the founder of the church at Antioch ; but the theology of Paul was what gave to that church its really fundamental importance in the history of the world. The lesson for to-day is of extraordinary richness and variety. Much can be learned, for example, from the characters of the story. Barnabas, with his generous recognition of the great man who was soon to overshadow him; those obscure men of Cyprus and Cyrene, not even mentioned by name, whose work at Antioch was one of the great turning points of history; Agabus, the prophet, and the charitable brethren of Antioch; Rhoda, the serving girl, and the prayerful assembly in the house of the mother of Mark— every one of these teaches some special lesson. One lesson, moreover, may be learned from them all—God is the real leader of the Church, and true disciples, though different in character and in attainments, are all sharers in a mighty work. In what follows, an attempt will be made to throw light upon a few of the historical questions which are suggested by the narrative in The Acts, and to picture as vividly as possible the scene of these stirring events.
The differences between the narrative in The Acts and the account which Paul gives of the same events have caused considerable difficulty. This very difficulty, however, is by no means an unmixed evil; for it shows at least that Luke was entirely independent of the Epistles. If he had employed the Epistles in the composition of his book he would surely have avoided even the appearance of contradicting them. The divergences between The Acts and the Pauline Epistles, therefore, can only mean that Luke did not use the Epistles when he wrote; and since the Epistles came to be generally used at a very early time, The Acts cannot have been written at so late a date as is often supposed. But if the book was written at an early time, then there is every probability that the information which it contains is derived from trustworthy sources. Thus the very divergences between The Acts and the Pauline Epistles, unless indeed they should amount to positive contradictions, strengthen the argument for the early date and high historical value of the Lucan work. The independence of The Acts is supported also by the complete absence of striking verbal similarity
THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH 69 between the narrative in The Acts and the corresponding passages in the Epistles. Even where the details of the two accounts are similar, the words are different. The few unimportant coincidences in language are altogether insufficient to overthrow this general impression of independence. The most natural supposition, therefore, is that in The Acts and in the Epistles we have two independent and trustworthy accounts of the same events. This supposition is really borne out by the details of the two narratives. There are differences, but the differences are only what is to be expected in two narratives which were written from entirely different points of view and in complete independence of one another. Contradictions have been detected only by pressing unduly the language of one source or the other. Thus, in reading The Acts alone, one might suppose that Paul spent the whole time between his conversion and his first visit to Jerusalem in Damascus, and that this period was less than three years; but these suppositions are only inferences. Apparently Luke was not aware of the journey to Arabia; but an incomplete narrative is not necessarily inaccurate. Again, in the account of that first visit to Jerusalem, the reader of The Acts might naturally suppose that more than one of the Twelve was present, that the main purpose of the journey was rather to engage in preaching than to make the acquaintance of Peter, and that the visit lasted longer than fifteen days; and on the other hand, the reader of Galatians might perhaps suppose that instead of preaching in Jerusalem Paul remained, while there, in strict retirement. Again, however, these suppositions would be inferences; and the falsity of them simply shows how cautious the historian should be in reading between the lines of a narrative. Finally, the differences between Paul and Luke are overbalanced by the striking and undesigned agreements. In Galatians, Paul does not mention the visit which he and Barnabas made in Jerusalem at the time of the famine. This conclusion has been avoided by those scholars who with Ramsay identify the “famine visit” with the visit mentioned in Gal. 2 : 1-10. The more usual view, however, is that Gal. 2 : 1-10 is to be regarded as parallel, not with Acts 11 : 30; 12 : 25, but with Acts 15 : 1-30. The second visit mentioned by Paul is thus identified with the third visit mentioned by Luke. Paul did not mention the famine visit because, as was probably admitted even by his opponents in Galatia, the apostles at the time of that visit were all out
70 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS of the city, so that there was no chance of a meeting with them. The subject under discussion in Galatians was not Paul’s life in general, but the relation between Paul and the original apostles.
In Acts 11 : 20, the best manuscripts read “spake unto the Hellenists” instead of “spake unto the Greeks.” The word “Hellenist” usually means “Grecian Jew.” Here, however, if this word is to be read, it must refer not to Jews, but to Gentiles; for the contrast with the preaching to Jews that is mentioned just before, is the very point of the verse. Perhaps at this point the manuscripts which read “Greeks” (that is, “Gentiles”) are correct. In either case, the meaning is fixed by the context. These Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, when they arrived at Antioch certainly began to preach regularly to Gentiles.
In Acts 12 : 1-24, Luke brings the account of affairs in Jerusalem up to the time which has already been reached in the narrative about Antioch. The journey of Barnabas and Paul to Jerusalem, Acts 11 : 30; 12 : 25, supplied the connecting link. While the church at Antioch was progressing in the manner described in Acts 11 : 19-30, a persecution had been carried on in Jerusalem by Herod Agrippa I. The escape of Peter is narrated in an extraordinarily lifelike way. Evidently Luke was in possession of first-hand information. The vividness of the narrative is very significant. It shows that the unmistakable trustworthiness of The Acts extends even to those happenings which were most clearly miraculous. The supernatural cannot be eliminated from apostolic history.
Antioch on the Orontes was founded by Seleucus Nicator, the first monarch of the Seleucid dynasty, and under his successors it remained the capital of the Syrian kingdom. When that kingdom was conquered by the Romans, the political importance of Antioch did not suffer. Antioch became under the Romans not only the capital of the province Syria but also the residence of the emperors and high officials when they were in the east. It may be regarded as a sort of eastern capital of the empire. The political importance of Antioch was no greater than its
THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH 71 commercial importance. Situated near the northeastern corner of the Mediterranean Sea, where the Mediterranean coast is nearer to the Euphrates than at any other point, where the Orontes valley provided easy communication with the east and the Syrian gates with the west, with a magnificent artificial harbor at Seleucia, about twenty miles distant, Antioch naturally became the great meeting point for the trade of east and west. It is not surprising that Antioch was the third city of the empire—after Rome and Alexandria. The city was built on a plain between the Orontes on the north and the precipitous slopes of Mount Silpius on the south. A great wall extended over the rugged heights of the mountain and around the city. A magnificent street led through the city from east to west. The buildings were of extraordinary magnificence. Perhaps as magnificent as the city itself was the famous Daphne, a neighboring shrine and pleasure resort, well-known for its gilded vice. The dominant language of Antioch, from the beginning, had been Greek. The Seleucids prided themselves on the Greek culture of their court, and Roman rule introduced no essential change. Of course, along with the Greek language and Greek culture went a large admixture of eastern blood and eastern custom. Like the other great cities of the empire, Antioch was a meeting place of various peoples, a typical cosmopolitan center of a world-wide empire. The Jewish population, of course, was numerous. Such was the seat of the apostolic missionary church. Almost lost at first in the seething life of the great city, that church was destined to outlive all the magnificence that surrounded it. A new seed had been implanted in the ancient world, and God would give the increase.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 85-90, 98-110. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Agabus,” “Antioch,” “Arabia,” “Aretas,” “Barnabas,” “Herod” (3). Ramsay, “St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,” pp. 40-69; “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 121-128. Lewin, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chs. v, vi and vii. Conybeare and Howson, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” ch. iv. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 44-63. Lumby, pp. 116-122, 142-155, 307-309. Cook, pp. 416-418, 430-433, 500, 501. Plumptre, pp. 60-62, 73-79, 152. Rackham, pp. 136-141, 163-184.
PART II:
Christianity Established Among the Gentiles
The Principles and Practice of the Gospel
LESSON XIV THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES
It was a dramatic moment when Paul and Barnabas, with their helper, set sail from Seleucia, on the waters of the Mediterranean. Behind them lay Syria and Palestine and the history of the chosen people; in front of them was the west. The religion of Israel had emerged from its age-long seclusion ; it had entered at last upon the conquest of the world. The message that crossed the strait to Cyprus was destined to be carried over broader seas. A mighty enterprise was begun. It was an audacious thought! The missionaries might well have been overpowered by what lay before them—by the power of a world empire, by the prestige of a brilliant civilization. How insignificant were their own weapons! Would they ever even gain a hearing? But though the enterprise was begun in weakness it was begun in faith. At their departure from Antioch the missionaries were “committed to the grace of God.” The account of this first missionary journey is one of the most fascinating passages in The Acts. The interest never flags; incident follows incident in wonderful variety. In reading this narrative, we are transplanted into the midst of the ancient world, we come to breathe the very atmosphere of that cosmopolitan age. In the lesson of to-day the teacher has an unusual opportunity. If he uses it well, he may cause the Bible story to live again. Absolutely essential to that end is the judicious use of a map—preferably something larger than the small sketch map of the Text Book. A travel narrative without a map is a hopeless jumble. The map is an aid both to memory and to imagination. Tracing the route of the missionaries on the map, the teacher should endeavor to call up the scenes through which they passed. The student should be made to see the waters of the Mediterranean, with the hills of Cyprus beyond, the interminable stretches of the Roman roads, the lofty mountains of the Taurus, the perils of rivers and the perils of robbers, the teeming population of the countless cities— and through it all the simple missionaries of the cross, almost unnoticed amid the turmoil of the busy world, but rich in the
76 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS possession of a world-conquering gospel and resistless through the power of the living God.
Both prophecy and teaching were gifts of the Spirit. I Cor. 12 : 28-31. Prophecy was immediate revelation of the divine plan or of the divine will; teaching, apparently, was logical development of the truth already given. Which of the men who are mentioned in Acts 13 : 1 were prophets and which were teachers is not clear. If any division is intended it is probably between the first three and the last two. For this grouping there is perhaps some slight indication in the connectives that are used in the Greek, but the matter is not certain. Perhaps all five of the men were possessed of both gifts. Lucius was perhaps one of the founders of the church, for he came from Cyrene. Compare Acts 11 : 20. Manaen is an interesting figure. He is called “foster-brother” of Herod the tetrarch. The word translated “foster-brother” is apparently sometimes used in a derived sense, to designate simply an intimate associate of a prince. If that be the meaning here, then at least one member of the church at Antioch was a man of some social standing. In Antioch, as in Corinth, probably “not many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble” were called, I Cor. 1 : 26; but in Antioch as in Corinth there were exceptions. The Herod who is here meant is Herod Antipas, the “Herod” of the Gospels.
When the Jewish sorcerer is first mentioned he is called Bar- Jesus—that is, “son of Jesus,” Jesus being a common Jewish name. Then, a little below, the same man is called “Elymas the sorcerer,” and the explanation is added, “for so is his name by interpretation.” Apparently the new name Elymas is introduced without explanation, and then the Greek word for “sorcerer” is introduced as a translation of that. The word Elymas is variously derived from an Arabic word meaning “wise,” or an Aramaic word meaning “strong.” In either case the Greek word, “magos,” for which our English Bible has “sorcerer,” is a fair equivalent. That Greek word is the word that appears also in Matt. 2:1, 7, 16, where the English Bible has “Wise-men”; and words derived from the same root are used to describe Simon of Samaria in Acts 8:9, 11. The word could designate men of different character. Some “magi” might be
THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES 77 regarded as students of natural science; in others, superstition and charlatanism were dominant.
At Acts 13 :9 Luke introduces the name “Paul”—“Saul, who is also called Paul.” Previously the narrative always uses the Jewish name “Saul”; after this “Paul” appears with equal regularity, except in the accounts of the conversion, where in three verses a special, entirely un-Greek form of “Saul” is used. Acts 22 : 7, 13; 26 : 14. Since in our passage in the original the name of the proconsul, Paulus, is exactly like the name of the apostle, some have supposed that Paul assumed a new name in honor of his distinguished convert. That is altogether unlikely. More probable is the suggestion that although Paul had both names from the beginning, Luke is led to introduce the name Paul at just this point because of the coincidence with the name of the proconsul. Even this supposition, however, is extremely doubtful. Probably the Roman name, which Paul uses invariably in his letters, is introduced at this point simply because here for the first time Paul comes prominently forward in a distinctly Roman environment.
Connected with this variation in name is the reversal in the relation between Paul and Barnabas. Previously Barnabas has been given the priority; but immediately after the incident at Paphos the missionaries are designated as “Paul and his company,” Acts 13 : 13, and thereafter when the two are mentioned together, Paul, except at Acts 14 : 12, 14; 15 : 12, 25, appears first. In the presence of the Roman proconsul, Paul’s Roman citizenship perhaps caused him to take the lead; and then inherent superiority made his leadership permanent.
The reasons for John Mark’s return from Perga to Jerusalem can only be surmised. Perhaps he was simply unwilling, for some reason sufficient to him but insufficient to Paul, to undertake the hardships of the journey into the interior. Certainly it was an adventurous journey. Paul was not always an easy man to follow. The severity of Paul’s judgment of Mark was not necessarily so great as has sometimes been supposed. One purpose of the second journey was to revisit the churches of the first journey. Acts
78 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS 15 : 36. Whether for good or for bad reasons, Mark, as a matter of fact, had not been with the missionaries on a large part of that first journey, and was, therefore, unknown to many of the churches. For this reason, perhaps as much as on account of moral objections, Paul considered Mark an unsuitable helper. In his later epistles Paul speaks of Mark in the most cordial way. Col. 4 : 10; Philem. 24; II Tim. 4:11. In the last passage, he even says that Mark was useful to him for ministering—exactly what he had not been at the beginning of the second missionary journey.
It is evident from II Cor. 11 : 23-27 that Luke has recorded only a small fraction of the hardships which Paul endured as a missionary of the cross. The tendency to lay exaggerated stress upon martyrdom and suffering, which runs riot in the later legends of the saints, is in The Acts conspicuous by its absence. Of the trials which are vouched for by the unimpeachable testimony of Paul himself, only a few may be identified in the Lucan narrative. It is natural, however, to suppose that some of the “perils of rivers” and “perils of robbers” were encountered on the journey through the defiles of the Taurus mountains from Perga to Pisidian Antioch, and the one stoning which Paul mentions is clearly to be identified with the adventure at Lystra. In II Tim. 3:11 Paul mentions the persecutions at Antioch, Iconium and Lystra.
The first missionary journey led the missionaries into three Roman provinces: Cyprus, Pamphylia and Galatia. The name “Galatia” had originally designated a district in the north central part of Asia Minor, which had been colonized by certain Celtic tribes several centuries before Christ. By the Romans, however, other districts were added to this original Galatia, and in 25 B. C. the whole complex was organized into an imperial province under the name Galatia. In the first century after Christ, therefore, the name Galatia could be used in two distinct senses. In the first place, in the earlier, popular sense, it could designate Galatia proper. In the second place, in the later, official sense, it could designate the whole Roman province, which included not only Galatia proper, but also parts of a number of other districts, including Phrygia and Lycaonia. Of the cities visited on the first missionary journey, Pisidian Antioch—which was called “Pisidian”
THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES 79 because it was near Pisidia—and Iconium were in Phrygia, and Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia; but all four were included in the province of Galatia. Many scholars suppose that the churches in these cities were the churches which Paul addresses in the Epistle to the Galatians. That view is called the “South Galatian theory.” Others—adherents of the “North Galatian theory”—suppose that the epistle is addressed to churches in Galatia proper, in the northern part of the Roman province, which were founded on the second missionary journey. This question will be noticed again in connection with the epistle.
Luke gives very little indication of the amount of time which was consumed on this first journey. The hasty reader probably estimates the time too low, since only a few incidents are narrated. The rapidity of the narrative should not be misinterpreted as indicating cursoriness of the labor. The passage through Cyprus, Acts 13 : 6, was probably accompanied by evangelizing; the extension of the gospel through the whole region of Antioch, v. 49, must have occupied more than a few days; the stay at Iconium is designated as “long time,” Acts 14 : 3; the change of attitude on the part of the Lystran populace, v. 19, was probably not absolutely sudden; not only Lystra and Derbe but also the surrounding country were evangelized, v. 6; and finally the missionaries could hardly have returned to the cities from which they had been driven out, v. 21, unless the heat of persecution had been allowed to cool. Perhaps a full year would not be too high an estimate of the time that was occupied by the journey, and still higher estimates are by no means excluded.
The account of the incident at Lystra is one of those inimitable bits of narrative which imprint upon The Acts the indisputable stamp of historicity. Lystra, though a Roman colony, lay somewhat off the beaten track of culture and of trade; hence the extreme superstition of the populace is what might be expected. It may seem rather strange that Paul and Barnabas should have been identified with great gods of Olympus rather than with lesser divinities or spirits, but who can place a limit upon the superstition of an uncultured people of the ancient world? The identification may have been rendered easier by the legend of Philemon and
80 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS Baucis, which has been preserved for us by Ovid, the Latin poet. According to that legend, Zeus and Hermes appeared, once upon a time, in human form in Phrygia, the same general region in which Lystra was situated. Zeus and Hermes are the gods with whom Barnabas and Paul were identified; the English Bible simply substitutes for these Greek names the names of the corresponding Roman deities. The temple of Zeus-before-the-city and the preparations for sacrifices are described in a most lifelike way, in full accord with what is known of ancient religion. We find ourselves here in a somewhat different atmosphere from that which prevails in most of the scenes described in The Acts. It is a pagan atmosphere, and an atmosphere of ruder superstition than that which prevailed in the great cities. The “speech of Lycaonia,” v. 11, is an especially characteristic touch. Apparently the all-pervading Greek was understood at Lystra even by the populace; but in the excitement of their superstition they fell very naturally into their native language. As in the case of Peter’s release from prison, so in this incident, wonderful lifelikeness of description is coupled with a miracle. The scene at Lystra is unintelligible without the miraculous healing of the lame man, with which it begins. It is impossible, in The Acts as well as in the Gospels, to separate the miraculous from the rest of the narrative. The evident truthfulness of the story applies to the supernatural elements as well as to the rest. The early Christian mission is evidently real; but it is just as evidently supernatural. It moved through the varied scenes of the real world, but it was not limited by the world. It was animated by a mysterious, superhuman power.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 111-122. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Cyprus,” “Antioch” (2), “Iconium,” “Lystra,” “Derbe,” “Galatia.” Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Muir, article on “Cyprus”; Massie, article on “Bar-Jesus”; Headlam, article on “Paulus, Sergius”; Ramsay, articles on “Antioch in Pisidia,” “Iconium,” “Lystra,” “Derbe,” “Galatia.” Ramsay, “St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,” pp. 64-129; “The Cities of St. Paul,” pp. 247-419; “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 129-153. Lewin, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chapter viii. Conybeare and Howson, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chapters v and vi. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 65-71. Lumby, pp. 155-183. Cook, pp. 437-451. Plumptre, pp. 79-93. Rackham, pp. 194-238.
LESSON XV THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM
The lesson for to-day deals with one of the most important events in apostolic history. At the Jerusalem, council the principles of the Gentile mission and of the entire life of the Church were brought to clear expression. If the original apostles had agreed with the Judaizers against Paul, the whole history of the Church would have been different. There would even have been room to doubt whether Paul was really a disciple of Jesus; for if he was, how could he come to differ so radically from those whom Jesus had taught? As a matter of fact, however, these dire consequences were avoided. When the issue was made between Paul and the Judaizers, the original apostles decided whole-heartedly for Paul. The unity of the Church was preserved. God was guiding the deliberations of the council.
The treatment of to-day’s lesson in the Student’s Text Book is based upon the assumption that Gal. 2 : 1-10 is an account of the same visit of Paul to Jerusalem as the visit which is described in Acts 15 : 1-29. That assumption is not universally accepted. Some scholars identify the event of Gal. 2 : 1-10, not with the Apostolic Council of Acts 15 : 1-29, but with the “famine visit” of Acts 11 :30; 12 : 25. Indeed, some maintain that the Epistle to the Galatians not only contains no account of the Apostolic Council, but was actually written before the council was held— say at Antioch, soon after the first missionary journey. Of course this early dating of Galatians can be adopted only in connection with the “South Galatian theory”; for according to the “North Galatian theory” the churches addressed in the epistle were not founded until after the council, namely at the time of Acts 16 : 6. Undoubtedly the identification of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with Acts 11 : 30; 12 : 25, avoids some difficulties. If Gal. 2 : 1-10 be identified with Acts 15 : 1-29, then Paul in Galatians has passed over the famine visit without mention. Furthermore there are considerable differences between Gal. 2 : 1-10 and Acts 15 : 1-29. For example,
82 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS if Paul is referring to the Apostolic Council, why has he not mentioned the apostolic decree of Acts 15 : 23-29? These difficulties, however, are not insuperable, and there are counter difficulties against the identification of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with the famine visit. One such difficulty is connected with chronology. Paul says that his first visit to Jerusalem took place three years after his conversion, Gal. 1 : 18, and—according to the most natural interpretation of Gal. 2 : 1 —that the visit of Gal. 2 : 1-10 took place fourteen years after the first visit. The conversion then occurred seventeen years before the time of Gal. 2 : 1-10. But if Gal. 2 : 1-10 describes the famine visit, then the time of Gal. 2 : 1-10 could not have been after about A. D. 46. Counting back seventeen years from A. D. 46 we should get A. D. 29 as the date of the conversion, which is, of course, too early. This reasoning, it must be admitted, is not quite conclusive. The ancients had an inclusive method of reckoning time. According to this method three years after 1914 would be 1916. Hence, fourteen plus three might be only what we should call about fifteen years, instead of seventeen. Furthermore, Paul may mean in Gal. 2 : 1 that his conference with the apostles took place fourteen years after the conversion rather than fourteen years after the first visit. The identification of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with the famine visit is not impossible. But on the whole the usual view, which identifies the event of Gal. 2 : 1-10 with the meeting at the time of the Apostolic Council of Acts 15 : 1-29, must be regarded as more probable. The Apostolic Council probably took place roughly at about A. D. 49. The conversion of Paul then should probably be put at about A. D. 32-34.
Conceivably the question about the freedom of the Gentiles from the law might have arisen at an earlier time; for Gentiles had already been received into the Church before the first missionary journey. As a matter of fact, indeed, some objection had been raised to the reception of Cornelius. But that objection had easily been silenced by an appeal to the immediate guidance of God. Perhaps the case of Cornelius could be regarded as exceptional; and a similar reflection might possibly have been applied to the Gentile Christians at Antioch. There seemed to be no danger, at any rate, that the predominantly Jewish character of the Church would be lost. Now, however, after a regular Gentile mission had
THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM 83 been carried on with signal success, the situation was materially altered. Evidently the influx of Gentile converts, if allowed to go on unhindered, would change the whole character of the Church. Christianity would appear altogether as a new dispensation: the prerogatives of Israel were gone. The question of Gentile Christianity had existed before, but after the first missionary journey it became acute. Perhaps, however, there was also another reason why the battle had not been fought out at an earlier time. It looks very much as though this bitter opposition to the Gentile mission had arisen only through the appearance of a new element in the Jerusalem church. Were these extreme legalists, who objected to the work of Paul and Barnabas—were these men present in the Church from the beginning? The question is more than doubtful. It is more probable that these legalists came into the Church during the period of prosperity which followed upon the persecution of Stephen and was only briefly interrupted by the persecution under Herod Agrippa I. These Jewish Christian opponents of the Gentile mission—these “Judaizers”—must be examined with some care. They are described not only by Luke in The Acts but by Paul himself in Galatians. According to The Acts, some of them at least had belonged to the sect of the Pharisees before they had become Christians. Acts 15 : 5. The activity of the Judaizers is described by Luke in complete independence of the account given by Paul. As usual, Luke contents himself with a record of external fact, while Paul uncovers the deeper motives of the Judaizers’ actions. Yet the facts as reported by Luke fully justify the harsh words which Paul employs. According to Paul, these Judaizers were “false brethren privily brought in, who came in privily to spy out our liberty which we have in Christ Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage.” Gal. 2:4. By calling them “false brethren” Paul means simply that they had not really grasped the fundamental principle of the gospel—the principle of justification by faith. They were still trying to earn their salvation by their works instead of receiving it as a gift of God. At heart they were still Jews rather than Christians. They came in privily into places where they did not belong—perhaps Paul means especially into the church at Antioch— in order to spy out Christian liberty. Gal. 2 : 4. Compare Acts 15 :1.
84 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS The rise of this Judaizing party is easy to understand. In some respects the Judaizers were simply following the line of least resistance. By upholding the Mosaic law they would escape persecution and even obtain honor. We have seen that it was the Jews who instigated the early persecutions of the Church. Such persecutions would be avoided by the Judaizers, for they could say to their non-Christian countrymen: “We are engaged simply in one form of the world-wide Jewish mission. We are requiring our converts to keep the Mosaic law and unite themselves definitely with the people of Israel. Every convert that we gain is a convert to Judaism. The cross of Christ that we proclaim is supplementary to the law, not subversive of it. We deserve therefore from the Jews not persecution but honor.” Compare what Paul says about the Judaizers in Galatia. Gal. 6 : 12, 13.
At first sight it seems rather strange that Paul in Galatians does not mention the apostolic decree. Some have supposed that his words even exclude any decree of that sort. In Gal. 2 : 6 Paul says that the pillars of the Jerusalem church “imparted nothing” to him. Yet according to The Acts they imparted to him this decree. The decree, moreover, seems to have a direct bearing upon the question that Paul was discussing in Galatians; for it involved the imposition of a part of the ceremonial law upon Gentile Christians. How then, if the decree really was passed as Luke says it was, could it have been left unmentioned by Paul? There are various ways of overcoming the difficulty. In the first place it is not perfectly certain that any of the prohibitions contained in the decree are ceremonial in character. Three of them are probably ceremonial if the text of most manuscripts of The Acts is correct. Most manuscripts read, at Acts 15 : 29: “That ye abstain from things sacrificed to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication; from which if ye keep yourselves, it shall be well with you.” Here “things offered to idols” apparently describes not idolatrous worship, but food which had been dedicated to idols; and “blood” describes meat used for food without previous removal of the blood. This meaning of “blood” is apparently fixed by the addition of “things strangled.” Since “things strangled” evidently refers to food, probably the two preceding expressions refer to food also. According to the great mass of our witnesses to the text, therefore, the apostolic decree
THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM 85 contains a food law. A few witnesses, however, omit all reference to things strangled, not only at Acts 15 : 29 but also at v. 20 and at ch. 21 : 25. If this text be original, then it is possible to interpret the prohibitions as simply moral and not at all ceremonial in character. “Things offered to idols” may be interpreted simply of idolatry, and “blood” of murder. But if the prohibitions are prohibitions of immorality, then they cannot be said to have “imparted” anything to Paul; for of course he was as much opposed to immorality as anyone. However, the more familiar form of the text is probably correct. The witnesses that omit the word “strangled” are those that attest the so-called “Western Text” of The Acts. This Western Text differs rather strikingly from the more familiar text in many places. The question as to how far the Western Text of The Acts is correct is a hotly debated question. On the whole, however, the Western readings are usually at any rate to be discredited. In the second place, the difficulty about the decree may be overcome by regarding Gal. 2 : 1-10 as parallel not with Acts 15 : 1-29 but with Acts 11 :30; 12 : 25. This solution has already been discussed. In the third place, the difficulty may be overcome by that interpretation of the decree which is proposed in the Student’s Text Book. The decree was not an addition to Paul’s gospel. It was not imposed upon the Gentile Christians as though a part of the law were necessary to salvation. On the contrary it was simply an attempt to solve the practical problems of certain mixed churches —not the Pauline churches in general, but churches which stood in an especially close relation to Jerusalem. This intrepretation of the decree is favored by the difficult verse, Acts 15 : 21. What James there means is probably that the Gentile Christians should avoid those things which would give the most serious offense to hearers of the law.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 125-166. Lightfoot, “Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians,” pp. 123-128 (“The later visit of St. Paul to Jerusalem”), 292-374 (“St. Paul and the Three”). Ramsay, “St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,” pp. 48-60, 152-175. Lewin, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” ch. ix. Conybeare and Howson, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” ch. vii. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 108-118. Lumby, pp. 185-200. Cook, pp. 451-458. Plumptre, pp. 93-101. Rackham, pp. 238-259, 263-270.
LESSON XVI THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE
From the rich store of to-day’s lesson only a few points can be selected for special comment.
At Lystra, Paul had Timothy circumcised. Acts 16 : 3. This action has been considered strange in view of the attitude which Paul had previously assumed. At Jerusalem, only a short time before, he had absolutely refused to permit the circumcision of Titus. Evidently, too, he had regarded the matter as of fundamental importance. Had Titus been circumcised, the freedom of the Gentile Christians would have been seriously endangered. The presence of Titus at the Apostolic Council is mentioned only by Paul in Galatians. It is not mentioned in The Acts. Indeed, Titus does not appear in The Acts at all, though in the epistles he is rather prominent. This fact, however, really requires no further explanation than that the history of Luke is not intended to be exhaustive. The restraint exercised by the author of The Acts has already been observed, for example, in a comparison of the long list of hardships in II Cor. 11 : 23-27 with what Luke actually narrates. The helpers of Paul whom Luke mentions are usually those who traveled with him. Titus was sent by Paul on at least one important mission, II Cor. 7 : 13, 14, but was apparently not his companion on the missionary journeys. Luke does not concern himself very much with the internal affairs of the churches, and it is in this field that Titus is especially prominent in the epistles. With regard to the presence of Titus in Jerusalem, the different purposes of the narratives in Galatians and in The Acts must be borne in mind. The non-circumcision of Titus, so strongly emphasized by Paul, was merely preliminary to the public action of the church in which Luke was interested. Luke has thought it sufficient to include Titus under the “certain other” of the Antioch Christians who went up with Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem. The different policy which Paul adopted in the case of Timothy,
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE 87 as compared with his policy about Titus, is amply explained by the wide differences in the situation. In the first place, when Titus was at Jerusalem, the matter of Gentile freedom was in dispute, whereas when Timothy was circumcised the question had already been settled by a formal pronouncement of the Jerusalem church. After Paul had won the victory of principle, he could afford to make concessions where no principle was involved. Timothy was recognized as a full member of the Church even before his circumcision. Circumcision was merely intended to make him a more efficient helper in work among the Jews. In the second place—and this is even more important—Timothy was a half-Jew. It is perhaps doubtful whether Paul under any circumstances would have authorized the circumcision of a pure Gentile like Titus. But Timothy’s mother was Jewish. It must always be borne in mind that Paul did not demand the relinquishment of the law on the part of Jews; and Timothy’s parentage gave him at least the right of regarding himself as a Jew. If he had chosen to follow his Gentile father, the Jews could have regarded him as a renegade. His usefulness in the synagogues would have been lost. Obviously the circumcision of such a man involved nothing more than the maintenance of ancestral custom on the part of Jews. Where no principle was involved, Paul was the most concessive of men. See especially I Cor. 9 : 19-23. The final relinquishment of the law on the part of Jews was rightly left to the future guidance of God.
The difficulty of tracing the route of the missionaries beyond Lystra is due largely to the difficulty of Acts 16 : 6. A literal translation of the decisive words in that verse would be either “the Phrygian and Galatian country” or “Phrygia and the Galatian country.” According to the advocates of the “South Galatian theory,” “the Galatian country” here refers not to Galatia proper but to the southern part of the Roman province Galatia. “The Phrygian and Galatian country” then perhaps means “The Phrygo- Galatic country,” or “that part of Phrygia which is in the Roman province Galatia.” The reference then is to Iconium, Pisidian Antioch and the surrounding country—after the missionaries had passed through the Lycaonian part of the province Galatia (Derbe and Lystra) they traversed the Phrygian part of the province. The
88 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS chief objection to all such interpretations is found in the latter part of the verse: “having been forbidden of the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia.” It looks as though the reason why they passed through “the Phrygian and Galatian country” was that they were forbidden to preach in Asia. But South Galatia was directly on the way to Asia. The impossibility of preaching in Asia could therefore hardly have been the reason for passing through south Galatia. Apparently, therefore, the disputed phrase refers rather to some region which is not on the way to Asia. This requirement is satisfied if Galatia proper is meant—the country in the northern part of the Roman province Galatia. When they got to Pisidian Antioch, it would have been natural for them to proceed into the western part of Asia Minor, into “Asia.” That they were forbidden to do. Hence they turned north, and went through Phrygia into Galatia proper. When they got to the border country between Mysia and Galatia proper, they tried to continue their journey north into Bithynia, but were prevented by the Spirit. Then they turned west, and passing through Mysia without preaching arrived at last at the coast, at Troas. Nothing is said here about preaching in Galatia proper. But in Acts 18 : 23, in connection with the third missionary journey, it is said that when Paul passed through “the Galatian country and Phrygia” he established the disciples. There could not have been disciples in the “Galatian country,” unless there had been preaching there on the previous journey. On the “North Galatian” theory, therefore, the founding of the Galatian churches to which the epistle is directed is to be placed at Acts 16 : 6, and the second visit to them, which seems to be presupposed by the epistle, is to be put at Acts 18 : 23. If it seems strange that Luke does not mention the founding of these churches, the hurried character of this section of the narrative must be borne in mind. Furthermore, the epistle seems to imply that the founding of the churches was rather incidental than an original purpose of the journey; for in Gal. 4 : 13 Paul says that it was because of an infirmity of the flesh that he preached the gospel in Galatia the former time. Apparently he had been hurrying through the country without stopping, but being detained by illness used his enforced leisure to preach to the inhabitants. It is not impossible to understand how Luke came to omit mention of such incidental preaching. On the second missionary journey attention is concentrated on Macedonia and Greece.
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE 89 3. THE MOVEMENTS OF SILAS AND TIMOTHY
When Paul went to Athens, Silas and Timothy remained behind in Macedonia. Acts 17 : 14. They were directed to join Paul again as soon as possible. V. 15. In Acts 18 : 1, 5 they are said to have joined him at Corinth. The narrative in The Acts must here be supplemented by the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. What Luke says is perfectly true, but his narrative is not complete. According to the most natural interpretation of I Thess. 3 : 1-5, Timothy was with Paul in Athens, and from there was sent to Thessalonica. The entire course of events was perhaps as follows: Silas and Timothy both joined Paul quickly at Athens according to directions. They were then sent away again—Timothy to Thessalonica, and Silas to some other place in Macedonia. Then, after the execution of their commissions, they finally joined Paul again at Corinth. Acts 18 : 5; I Thess. 3 : 6. Soon afterwards, all three missionaries were associated in the address of First Thessalonians.
In Athens Paul preached as usual in the synagogue to Jews and “God-fearers”; but he also adopted another and more unusual method—he simply took his stand without introduction in the market place, and spoke to those who chanced by. This method was characteristically Greek ; it reminds us of the days of Socrates. In the market place, Paul encountered certain of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers. Both of these schools of philosophy had originated almost three hundred years before Christ, and both were prominent in the New Testament period. In their tenets they were very different. The Stoics were pantheists. They conceived of the world as a sort of great living being of which God is the soul. The world does not exist apart from God and God does not exist apart from the world. Such pantheism is far removed from the Christian belief in the living God, Maker of heaven and earth; but as against polytheism, pantheism and theism have something in common. Paul in his speech was able to start from this common ground. In ethics, the Stoics were perhaps nearer to Christianity than in metaphysics. The highest good they conceived to be a life that is led in accordance with reason—that reason which is the determining principle of the world. The passions must be conquered, pleasure is worthless, the wise man is independent of external conditions. Such an ethic worked itself out in practice in many admirable virtues—in some conception of the universal
90 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS brotherhood of mankind, in charity, in heroic self-denial. But it lacked the warmth and glow of Christian love, and it lacked the living God. The Epicureans were materialists. The world, for them, was a vast mechanism. They believed in the gods, but conceived of them as altogether without influence upon human affairs. Indeed, the deliverance of man from the fear of the gods was one of the purposes of the Epicurean philosophy. The Epicureans were interested chiefly in ethics. Pleasure, according to them, is the highest good. It need not be the pleasure of the senses; indeed Epicurus, at least, the founder of the school, insisted upon a calm life undisturbed by violent passions. Nevertheless it will readily be seen how little such a philosophy had in common with Christianity. The conditions under which Paul made his speech cannot be determined with certainty. The difficulty arises from the ambiguity of “Areopagus.” “Areopagus” means “Mars’ hill.” But the term was also applied to the court which held at least some of its meetings on the hill. Which meaning is intended here? Did Paul speak before the court, or did he speak on Mars’ hill merely to those who were interested? On the whole, it is improbable at any rate that he was subjected to a formal trial. The speech of Paul at Athens is one of the three important speeches of Paul, exclusive of his speeches in defense of himself at Jerusalem and at Caesarea, which have been recorded in The Acts. These speeches are well chosen. One of them is a speech to Jews, Acts 13 : 16-41; one a speech to Gentiles, Acts 17 : 22-31; and the third a speech to Christians, Acts 20 : 18-35. Together they afford a very good idea of Paul’s method as a missionary and as a pastor. As is to be expected, they differ strikingly from one another. Paul was large enough to comprehend the wonderful richness of Christian truth. His gospel is always the same, but he was able to adapt the presentation of it to the character of his hearers. At Athens, an altar inscribed To An Unknown God provided a starting point. The existence of such an altar is not at all surprising, although only altars to “unknown gods” (plural instead of singular) are attested elsewhere. Perhaps the inscription on this altar indicated simply that the builder of the altar did not know to which of the numberless gods he should offer thanks for a benefit that he had received, or to which he should address a
THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE 91 prayer to ward off calamity. Under a polytheistic religion, where every department of life had its own god, it was sometimes difficult to pick out the right god to pray to for any particular purpose. Such an altar was at any rate an expression of ignorance, and that ignorance served as a starting point for Paul. “You are afraid that you have neglected the proper god in this case,” says Paul in effect. “Yes, indeed, you have. You have neglected a very important god indeed, you have neglected the one true God, who made the world and all things therein.” In what follows, Paul appeals to the truth contained in Stoic pantheism. His words are of peculiar interest at the present day, when pantheism is rampant even within the Church. There is a great truth in pantheism. It emphasizes the immanence of God. But the truth of pantheism is contained also in theism. The theist, as well as the pantheist, believes that God is not far from every one of us, and that in him we live and move and have our being. The theist, as well as the pantheist, can say, “Closer is he than breathing, and nearer than hands and feet.” The theist accepts all the truth of pantheism, but avoids the error. God is present in the world— not one sparrow “shall fall on the ground without your Father” —but he is not limited to the world. He is not just another name for the totality of things, but an awful, mysterious, holy, free and sovereign Person. He is present in the world, but also Master of the world.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 177-197. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: articles on “Troas,” “Philippi,” “Thessalonica,” “Athens,” “Areopagus,” “Stoics,” “Epicureans,” “Corinth,” “Gallio,” “Silas.” Ramsay, “St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,” pp. 175-261; “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 197-239. Lewin, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chs. x, xi, and xii. Conybeare and Howson, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” chs. viii, ix, x, xi, and xii. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 71-81. Lumby, pp. 200-239. Cook, pp. 458-476. Plumptre, pp. 101-124. Rackham, pp. 260-263, 271-331. For information about the recently discovered Gallio inscription, see “The Princeton Theological Review,” vol. ix, 1911, pp. 290-298: Armstrong, “Epigraphical Note.”
LESSON XVII ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS
The Pauline Epistles fall naturally into four groups: (1) the epistles of the second missionary journey (First and Second Thessalonians) ; (2) the epistles of the third missionary journey (Galatians, First and Second Corinthians and Romans) ; (3) the epistles of the first imprisonment (Colossians and Philemon, Ephesians and Philippians) ; (4) the epistles written after the period covered by The Acts (First Timothy, Titus and Second Timothy). Each of these groups has its own characteristics. The first group is characterized by simplicity of subject matter, and by a special interest in the second coming of Christ. The second group is concerned especially with the doctrines of sin and grace. The third group displays a special interest in the person of Christ and in the Church. The fourth group deals with organization, and with the maintenance of sound instruction.
The reason for the peculiarities of First and Second Thessalonians has often been sought in the early date of these epistles. On the second missionary journey, it is said, Paul had not yet developed the great doctrines which appear at later periods of his life. This explanation may perhaps contain an element of truth. Undoubtedly there was some progress in Paul’s thinking. Not everything was revealed to him at once. The chief cause, however, for the simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles is not the early date but the peculiar occasion of these epistles. Paul is here imparting his first written instruction to an infant church. Naturally he must feed these recent converts with milk. The simplicity of the letters is due not to immaturity in Paul but to immaturity in the Thessalonian church. After all, at the time when the Thessalonian epistles were written, the major part of Paul’s Christian life —including the decisive conflict with the Judaizers at Antioch and Jerusalem—lay already in the past. At any rate the simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles must not be exaggerated. In these letters the great Pauline doctrines,
ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS 93 though not discussed at length, are everywhere presupposed. There is the same lofty conception of Christ as in the other epistles, the same emphasis upon his resurrection, the same doctrine of salvation through his death. I Thess. 1 : 10; 5:9, 10.
Undoubtedly the second advent, with the events which are immediately to precede it, occupies a central position in the Thessalonian epistles. A few words of explanation, therefore, may here be in order. Evidently the expectation of Christ’s coming was a fundamental part of Paul’s belief, and had a fundamental place in his preaching. “Ye turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God, and to wait for his Son from heaven”—these words show clearly how the hope of Christ’s appearing was instilled in the converts from the very beginning. I Thess. 1 : 9, 10. To serve the living God and to wait for his Son—that is the sum and substance of the Christian life. All through the epistles the thought of the Parousia —the “presence” or “coming”—of Christ appears as a mastermotive. I Thess. 2 : 19; 3 : 13; 4 : 13 to 5 : 11, 23, 24; II Thess. 1 : 5 to 2 : 12. This emphasis upon the second coming of Christ is explained if Paul expected Christ to come in the near future. The imminence of the Parousia for Paul appears to be indicated by I Thess. 4 : 15: “For this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we that are alive, that are left unto the coming of the Lord, shall in no wise precede them that are fallen asleep.” This verse is often thought to indicate that Paul confidently expected before his death to witness the coming of the Lord. Apparently he classes himself with those who “are left unto the coming of the Lord” as over against those who will suffer death. In the later epistles, it is further said, Paul held a very different view. From Second Corinthians on, he faced ever more definitely the thought of death. II Cor. 5 : 1, 8; Phil. 1 : 20-26. A comparison of I Cor. 15 : 51 with II Cor. 5:1, 8 is thought to indicate that the deadly peril which Paul incurred between the writing of the two Corinthian epistles, II Cor. 1 : 8, 9, had weakened his expectation of living until Christ should come. After he had once despaired of life, he could hardly expect with such perfect confidence to escape the experience of death. The possibility of death was too strong to be left completely out of sight.
94 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS Plausible as such a view is, it can be held only with certain reservations. In the first place, we must not exaggerate the nearness of the Parousia according to Paul, even in the earliest period; for in II Thess. 2 : 1-12 the Thessalonians are reminded of certain events that must occur before Christ would come. The expression of the former epistle, I Thess. 5 : 2, that the day of the Lord would come as a thief in the night, was to be taken as a warning to unbelievers to repent while there was yet time, not as a ground for neglecting ordinary provision for the future. In Second Thessalonians Paul finds it necessary to calm the overstrained expectations of the Thessalonian Christians. Furthermore, it is not only in the earlier epistles that expressions occur which seem to suggest that the Parousia is near. Rom. 13 : 11; Phil. 4 : 5. And then it is evident from II Cor. 11 : 23-29 and from I Cor. 15 : 30-32 that Paul had undergone dangers before the one mentioned in II Cor. 1 : 8, 9, so that there is no reason to suppose that that one event caused any sudden change in his expectations. Lastly, in I Cor. 6 : 14 Paul says that “God both raised the Lord, and will raise up us through his power.” If that refers to the literal resurrection, then here Paul classes himself among those who are to die; for if he lived to the Parousia, then there would be no need for him to be raised up. It is therefore very doubtful whether we can put any very definite change in the apostle’s expectations as to his living or dying between First Corinthians and Second Corinthians. A gradual development in his feeling about the matter there no doubt was. During the early part of his life his mind dwelt less upon the prospect of death than it did after perils of all kinds had made that prospect more and more imminent. But at no time did the apostle regard the privilege of living until the Parousia as a certainty to be put at all in the same category with the Christian hope itself. Especially the passage in First Thessalonians can be rightly interpreted only in the light of the historical occasion for it. Until certain members of the church had died, the Thessalonian Christians had never faced the possibility of dying before the second coming of Christ. Hence they were troubled. Would the brethren who had fallen asleep miss the benefits of Christ’s kingdom? Paul writes to reassure them. He does not contradict their hope of living till the coming of Christ, for God had not revealed to him that
ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS 95 that hope would not be realized. But he tells them that, supposing that hope to be justified, even then they will have no advantage over their dead brethren. He classes himself with those who were still alive and might therefore live till Christ should come, as over against those who were already dead and could not therefore live till Christ should come. Certain passages in the epistles of Paul, which are not confined to any one period of his life, seem to show that at any rate he did not exclude the very real possibility that Christ might come in the near future. At any rate, however, such an expectation of the early coming of Christ was just as far removed as possible from the expectations of fanatical chiliasts. It did not lead Paul to forget that the times and the seasons are entirely in the hand of God. It had no appreciable effect upon his ethics, except to make it more intense, more fully governed by the thought of the judgment seat of Christ. It did not prevent him from laying far-reaching plans, it did not prevent his developing a great philosophy of future history in Rom., chs. 9 to 11. How far he was from falling into the error he combated in Second Thessalonians! Despite his view of the temporary character of the things that are seen, how sane and healthy was his way of dealing with practical problems! He did his duty, and left the details of the future to God. Hence it is hard to discover what Paul thought as to how soon Christ would come—naturally so, for Paul did not try to discover it himself.
Almost always other persons are associated with Paul in the addresses of the epistles. With regard to the meaning of this custom, extreme views should be avoided. On the one hand, these persons— usually, at any rate—had no share in the actual composition of the epistles. The epistles bear the imprint of one striking personality. On the other hand, association in the address means something more than that the persons so named sent greetings; for mere greetings are placed at the end. The truth lies between the two extremes. Probably the persons associated with Paul in the address were made acquainted at least in general with the contents of the epistles, and desired to express their agreement with what was said. In the Thessalonian epistles Silas and Timothy, who had had a part in the founding of the Thessalonian church, appear very appropriately in the address. A question related to that of the persons associated in the
96 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS addresses is the question of the so-called “epistolary plural.” The epistolary plural was analogous to our “editorial we” it was a usage by which the writer of a letter could substitute “we” for “I” in referring to himself alone. In many passages in the letters of Paul it is exceedingly difficult to tell whether a plural is merely epistolary, or whether it has some special significance. For example, whom, if anyone, is Paul including with himself in the “we” of I Thess. 3:1? In particular, the question often is whether, when Paul says “we,” he is thinking of the persons who were associated with him in the address of the epistle. On the whole it seems impossible to deny that Paul sometimes uses the epistolary plural, though his use of it is probably not so extensive as has often been supposed.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 197-203. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Purves (supplemented), article on “Thessalonians, Epistles to the.” Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Lock, articles on “Thessalonians, First Epistle to the” and “Thessalonians, Second Epistle to the.” M’Clymont, “The New Testament and Its Writers,” pp. 47-57. Ramsay, “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 240-246. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 85-107. Ellicott, “A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,” vol. iii, pp. 125-170: Mason, “The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Thessalonians.” “The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges”: Findlay, “The Epistles to the Thessalonians.” Zahn, “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. i, pp. 152-164, 203-255. Milligan, “St. Paul’s Epistles to the Thessalonians.” The two lastnamed works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XVIII THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS
Before the arrival of Paul at Ephesus an important event had taken place in that city—the meeting of Aquila and Priscilla with Apollos. Apollos was a Jew of Alexandrian descent. He had already received instruction about Jesus—perhaps in his native city. Of all the great cities of the Roman Empire Alexandria alone was approximately as near to Jerusalem as was Syrian Antioch. The founding of the church at Alexandria is obscure, but undoubtedly it took place at a very early time. At a later period Alexandria was of the utmost importance as the center of Christian learning, as it had been already the center of the learning of the pagan world. Until instructed by Aquila and Priscilla, Apollos had known only the baptism of John the Baptist. Apparently one important thing that he had lacked was an acquaintance with the peculiar Christian manifestation of the Holy Spirit. He seems to have been trained in Greek rhetoric, whether the word translated “eloquent” in Acts 18 : 24 means “eloquent” or “learned.” Apollos did not remain long in Ephesus, but went to Corinth, where, as can be learned from First Corinthians as well as from The Acts, his work was of great importance.
After studying first the Thessalonian epistles and then Galatians in succession the student should be able to form some conception of the variety among the epistles of Paul. Certainly there could be no sharper contrast. First and Second Thessalonians are simple, affectionate letters written to a youthful church ; Galatians is one of the most passionate bits of polemic in the whole Bible. We ought to honor Paul for his anger. A lesser man might have taken a calmer view of the situation. After all, it might have been said, the observance of Jewish fasts and feasts was not a serious matter; even circumcision, though useless, could do no great harm. But Paul penetrated below the surface. He detected the great principles that were at stake. The Judaizers were disannulling the grace of God.
98 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS 3. THE ADDRESS. GAL. 1 : 1-5 The addresses of the Pauline epistles are never merely formal. Paul does not wait for the beginning of the letter proper in order to say what he has in mind. Even the epistolary forms are suffused with the deepest religious feeling. The opening of the present letter is anticipatory of what is to follow. Dividing the opening into three parts—the nominative (name and title of the writer), the dative (name of those to whom the letter is addressed), and the greeting—it will be observed that every one of these parts has its peculiarity as compared with the other Pauline epistles. The peculiarity of the nominative is the remarkable addition beginning with “not from men,” which is a summary of the first great division of the epistle, Paul’s defense against the personal attack of his opponents. Since the Epistle to the Galatians is polemic from beginning to end, it is not surprising that the very first word after the bare name and title of the author is “not.” Paul cannot mention his title “apostle”—in the addresses of First and Second Thessalonians he had not thought it necessary to mention it at all— without thinking of the way in which in Galatia it was misrepresented. “My apostleship,” he says, “came not only from Christ, but directly from Christ.” The peculiarity of the dative is its brevity—not “beloved of God, called to be saints,” or the like, but just the bare and formal “to the churches of Galatia.” The situation was not one which called for pleasant words! The greeting is the least varied part in the addresses of the Pauline epistles. The long addition to the greeting in Galatians is absolutely unique. It is a summary of the second and central main division of the epistle, Paul’s defense of his gospel. “Christ has died to free you. The Judaizers in bringing you into bondage are making of none effect the grace of Christ, manifested on the cross.” That is the very core of the letter. In all of the Pauline epistles there is scarcely a passage more characteristic of the man than the first five verses of Galatians. An ordinary writer would have been merely formal in the address. Not so Paul! The exultant supernaturalism of the address should be noticed. This supernaturalism appears, in the first place, in the sphere of external history—“God the Father, who raised him from the dead.” Pauline Christianity is based on the miracle of the resurrection. Supernaturalism appears also, however, in the sphere of Christian
THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS 99 experience—“who gave himself for our sins, that he might deliver us out of this present evil world.” Christianity is no mere easy development of the old life, no mere improvement of the life, but a new life in a new world. In both spheres, supernaturalism is being denied in the modern Church. Pauline Christianity is very different from much that is called Christianity to-day. Finally, this passage will serve to exhibit Paul’s lofty view of the person of Christ. “Neither through man,” says Paul, “but through Jesus Christ.” Jesus Christ is here distinguished sharply from men and placed clearly on the side of God. What is more, even the Judaizers evidently accepted fundamentally the same view. Paul said, “Not by man, but by Jesus Christ”; the Judaizers said, “Not by Jesus Christ, but by man.” But if so, then the Judaizers, no less than Paul, distinguished Jesus sharply from ordinary humanity. About other things there was debate, but about the person of Christ Paul appears in harmony even with his opponents. Evidently the original apostles had given the Judaizers on this point no slightest excuse for differing from Paul. The heavenly Christ of Paul was also the Christ of those who had walked and talked with Jesus of Nazareth. They had seen Jesus subject to all the petty limitations of human life. Yet they thought him divine! Could they have been deceived?
THE PURPOSE OF THE EPISTLE. GAL. 1 : 6-10 The thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, which appears in practically every other of the Pauline epistles, is here conspicuous by its absence. Here it would have been a mockery. The Galatians were on the point of giving up the gospel. There was just a chance of saving them. The letter was written in a desperate crisis. Pray God it might not be too late! No time here for words of thanks! In vs. 6-10, Paul simply states the purpose of the letter in a few uncompromising words: “You are falling away from the gospel and I am writing to stop you.”
PAUL’S DEFENSE OF HIS APOSTOLIC AUTHORITY. GAL. 1 : 11 to 2 : 21 After stating, Gal. 1 : 11, 12, the thesis that is to be proved in this section, Paul defends his independent apostolic authority by three main arguments. In the first place, vs. 13-24, he was already launched upon his
100 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS work as apostle to the Gentiles before he had even come into any effective contact with the original apostles. Before his conversion, he had been an active persecutor. His conversion was wrought, not, like an ordinary conversion, through human agency, but by an immediate act of Christ. After his conversion it was three years before he saw any of the apostles. Then he saw only Peter (and James) and that not long enough to become, as his opponents said, a disciple of these leaders. In the second place, Gal. 2 : 1-10, when he finally did hold a conference with the original apostles, they themselves, the very authorities to whom the Judaizers appealed, recognized that his authority was quite independent of theirs, and, like theirs, of directly divine origin. In the third place, Gal. 2 : 11-21, so independent was his authority that on one occasion he could even rebuke the chief of the original apostles himself. What Paul said at that time to Peter happened to be exactly what he wanted to say, in the epistle, to the Galatians. This section, therefore, forms a transition to the second main division of the epistle. It has sometimes been thought surprising that Paul does not say how Peter took his rebuke. The conclusion has even been drawn that if Peter had acknowledged his error Paul would have been sure to say so. Such reasoning ignores the character of this section. In reporting the substance of what he said to Peter, Paul has laid bare the very depths of his own life. To return, after such a passage, to the incident at Antioch would have been pedantic and unnecessary. Long before the end of the second chapter Paul has forgotten all about Peter, all about Antioch, and all about the whole of his past history. He is thinking only of the grace of Christ, and how some men are trampling it under foot. O foolish Galatians, to desert so great a salvation!
THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS 101 Mosaic law. You received the Spirit by faith alone. How then can you now think that the law is necessary? Surely there can be nothing higher than the Spirit. In the second place, there is an argument from Scripture. Not those who depend upon the works of the law, but those who believe, have the benefit of the covenant made with Abraham. Vs.6-22. In the third place, by the use of various figures, Paul contrasts the former bondage with the present freedom. Gal. 3 : 23 to 4 : 7. The life under the law was a period of restraint like that of childhood, preliminary to faith in Christ. The law was intended to produce the consciousness of sin, in order that the resultant hopelessness might lead men to accept the Saviour. Vs. 23-25. But now all Christians alike, both Jews and Gentiles, are sons of God in Christ, and therefore heirs of the promise made to Abraham. Vs. 26-29. Being sons of God, with all the glorious freedom of sonship, with the Spirit crying, “Abba, Father,” in the heart, how can we think of returning to the miserable bondage of an external and legalistic religion? Gal. 4 : 1-11. In the fourth place, Paul turns away from argument to make a personal appeal. Vs. 12-20. What has become of your devotion to me? Surely I have not become your enemy just because I tell you the truth. The Judaizers are estranging you from me. Listen to me, my spiritual children, even though I can speak to you only through the cold medium of a letter! In the fifth place, Paul, in his perplexity, bethinks himself of one more argument. It is an argument that would appeal especially to those who were impressed by the Judaizers’ method of using the Old Testament, but it also has permanent validity. The fundamental principle, says Paul, for which I am arguing, the principle of grace, can be illustrated from the story of Ishmael and Isaac. Ishmael had every prospect of being the heir of Abraham. It seemed impossible for the aged Abraham to have another son. Nature was on Ishmael’s side. But nature was overruled. So it is to-day. As far as nature is concerned, the Jews are the heirs of Abraham—they have all the outward marks of sonship. But God has willed otherwise. He has chosen to give the inheritance to the heirs according to promise. The principle of the divine choice, operative on a small scale in the acceptance of Isaac, is operative now on a large scale in the acceptance of the Gentile church. Finally, Paul concludes the central section of the epistle by emphasizing the gravity of the crisis. Gal. 5 : 1-12. Do not be
102 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS deceived. Circumcision as the Judaizers advocate it is no innocent thing; it means the acceptance of a law religion. You must choose either the law or grace; you cannot have both.
THE RESULTS OF PAUL’S GOSPEL. GAL. 5 : 13 to 6 : 10 In this third main division of the epistle Paul exhibits the practical working of faith. Paul’s gospel is more powerful than the teaching of the Judaizers. Try to keep the law in your own strength and you will fail, for the flesh is too strong. But the Spirit is stronger than the flesh, and the Spirit is received by faith.
CONCLUSION. GAL. 6 : 11-18 This concluding section, if not the whole epistle, was written with Paul’s own hand. V. 11. In his other letters Paul dictated everything but a brief closing salutation. In the closing section, Paul lays the alternative once more before his readers. The Judaizers have worldly aims, they boast of worldly advantages; but the true Christian boasts of nothing but the cross. Christianity, as here portrayed, is not the gentle, easygoing doctrine that is being mistaken for it to-day. It is no light thing to say, “The world hath been crucified unto me, and I unto the world.” But the result is a new creature!
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 203-213. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: article on “Ephesus”; Purves, articles on “Galatia” and “Galatians, Epistle to the” (supplemented). Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Ramsay, article on “Ephesus”; Dods, article on “Galatians, Epistle to the.” Ramsay, “St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,” pp. 262-282; “Pictures of the Apostolic Church,” pp. 247-269, 293-300. Lewin, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, chs. xii, xiii. Conybeare and Howson, “The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, chs. xii, xiii, xiv, xv and xvi. Stalker, “The Life of St. Paul,” pp. 82-84, 108-118. Lumby, pp. 239-266. Cook, pp. 476-485. Plumptre, pp. 124-136. Rackham, pp. 331-370. M’Clymont, “The New Testament and Its Writers,” pp. 70-76. Ellicott, “A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,” vol. ii, pp. 419-468: Sanday, “The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Galatians.” “The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges”: Perowne, “The Epistle to the Galatians.” Zahn, “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. i, pp. 164-202. Lightfoot, “Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians.” The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.
LESSON XIX PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH
Christianity, according to Paul, is an escape from the world. Gal. 1 : 4. All human distinctions are comparatively unimportant. “There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, there can be no male and female.” Gal. 3 : 28. Such a doctrine might seem logically to lead to fanaticism. If the Christian is already a citizen of heaven, may he not be indifferent to the conditions of life upon this earth? Such a conclusion was altogether avoided by Paul. In First Corinthians Paul is revealed as the most practical of men. All human distinctions are subordinate and secondary—and yet these distinctions are carefully observed. Paul was a man of heroic faith, but he was also possessed of admirable tact. It is not that the one side of Paul’s nature limited the other; it is not that common sense acted as a check to transcendental religion. On the contrary, the two things seemed to be in perfect harmony. Just because Paul was inwardly so entirely free from the world, he was also so wise in dealing with worldly affairs. The secret of this harmony was consecration. Human relationships, when consecrated to God, are not destroyed, but ennobled. They cease, indeed, to be an end in themselves, but they become a means to Christian service. The Christian man has no right to be indifferent to the world. If he is, he is no true son of the God who made the world, and sent the Lord to save it. The Christian, like the man of the world, is profoundly interested in the conditions of life on this earth. Only, unlike the man of the world, he is not helpless and perplexed in the presence of those conditions; but from his vantage ground of heavenly power, he shapes them to the divine will. He is interested in the world, but he is interested in it, not as its servant, but as its master. So in First Corinthians Paul lays hold of certain perplexing practical problems with the sure grasp of one who is called to rule and not to serve. Everything that he touches he lifts to a higher plane. In his hands even the simplest things of life receive a heavenly significance.
104 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS The problems that are discussed in First Corinthians stood in a special relation to the environment of the Corinthian church. Most of them were due to the threatened intrusions of Greek paganism. They are closely analogous, however, to the problems which we have to solve to-day. Paganism and worldliness are not dead. The Church still stands in the midst of a hostile environment. We can still use the teaching of Paul. That teaching will now be examined in a few of its important details.
Paul mentions four parties that had been formed in the Corinthian church—a Paul-party, an Apollos-party, a Cephas-party and a Christ-party. These parties do not seem to have been separated from one another by any serious doctrinal differences, and it is impossible to determine their characteristics in detail. In the section where the party spirit is discussed, Paul blames the Corinthians for intellectual pride. This fault has often been connected with the Apollos-party. Apollos was an Alexandrian, and probably had an Alexandrian Greek training. He might therefore have unconsciously evoked among some members of the Corinthian church an excessive admiration for his more pretentious style of preaching, which might have caused them to despise the simpler manner of Paul. Even this much, however, is little more than surmise. At any rate, Apollos should not be blamed for the faults of those who misused his name. He is praised unstintedly by Paul, who was even desirous that he should return at once to Corinth. I Cor. 16 : 12. Paul blames the Paul-party just as much as any of the other three. The Peter-party was composed of admirers of Peter, who had either come to Corinth from the scene of Peter’s labors elsewhere, or simply had known of Peter by hearsay. It is unlikely that Peter himself had been in Corinth, for if he had Paul would probably have let the fact appear in First or Second Corinthians. The Christparty is rather puzzling. A comparison with the false teachers who are combated in Second Corinthians has led some scholars to suppose that it was a Judaizing party, which emphasized a personal acquaintance with the earthly Jesus as a necessary qualification of apostleship. In that case, however, Paul would probably have singled out the Christ-party for special attack. More probably these were simply men who, in proud opposition to the adherents of Paul, of Apollos and of Cephas, emphasized their own independ-
PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH 105 ence of any leader other than Christ. Of course, the watchword, “I am of Christ,” if used in a better spirit, would have been altogether praiseworthy, and indeed Paul desires all the parties to unite in it. I Cor. 3 : 21-23. Perhaps it is a mistake to attribute to these parties anything like stability. On the whole, the passage gives the impression that it is not the individual parties that Paul is condemning, but the party spirit. That party spirit was manifested by watchwords like those which are enumerated in I Cor. 1 : 12, but that that enumeration was meant to be complete, does not appear. The whole effort to determine the characteristics of the individual parties—an effort which has absorbed the attention of many scholars—should perhaps be abandoned. Paul’s treatment of the party spirit exhibits his greatness not only as an administrator, but also as a writer. The subject was certainly not inspiring; yet under Paul’s touch it becomes luminous with heavenly glory. The contrast of human wisdom with the message of the cross, I Cor. 1 : 18-31, where a splendid rhythm of language matches the sublimity of the thought, the wonderful description of the freedom and power of the man who possesses the Spirit of God, the grand climax of the third chapter, “For all things are yours; whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, or life, or death, or things present, or things to come; all are yours; and ye are Christ’s; and Christ is God’s”—these are among the passages that can never be forgotten.
The question of meats offered to idols, which Paul discusses in I Cor. 8 : 1 to 11 : 1, was exceedingly intricate. To it Paul applies several great principles. In the first place, there is the principle of Christian freedom. The Christian has been delivered from enslaving superstitions. Idols have no power; they cannot impart any harmful character to the good things which God has provided for the sustenance of man. In the second place, however, there is the principle of loyalty. The fact that idols are nothing does not render idol-worship morally indifferent. On the contrary, idolatry is always sinful. If the eating of certain kinds of food under certain conditions involves participation in idolatry then it is disloyalty to the one true God. The joint operation of the two principles of freedom and of loyalty seems to lead in Paul’s mind to the following practical conclusion:—The Christian may eat the meat that has
106 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS been offered to idols if it is simply put on sale in the market place or set before him at an ordinary meal; but he must not take part with the heathen in specifically religious feasts. The whole question, however, is further viewed in the light of a third principle—the principle of Christian love. Even things that are in themselves innocent must be given up if a brother by them is led into conduct which for him is sin. Christ has died for that weaker brother; surely the Christian, then, may not destroy him. Thus love, even more than loyalty, limits freedom—but it is a blessed limitation. The principles here applied by Paul to the question of the Corinthian Christians will solve many a problem of the modern Church.
The principle of Christian love, with the related principle of toleration, is applied also to another set of problems, the problems with regard to the exercise of spiritual gifts. The passage in which Paul discusses these problems, aside from its spiritual and moral teaching, is of singular historical interest. It affords a unique picture of the devotional meetings of an apostolic church. The characteristic of these meetings was the enthusiasm which prevailed in them. Paul is not at all desirous of dampening that enthusiasm. On the contrary the gifts in question were in his judgment really bestowed by the Holy Spirit. Even the gift of tongues, which Paul limits in its operation, is in his judgment of genuine value. Indeed, he himself had exercised it even more than the other Christians. I Cor. 14 ; 18. This last fact should correct any unworthy impression which we might have formed with regard to the gift. If speaking with tongues was practiced by Paul, then it was no mere unhealthy emotionalism. We are to-day unable to understand it fully, but in the apostolic Church it was a real expression of Christian experience. Paul desires, not to dampen the enthusiasm of the Corinthian church, but merely to eliminate certain harmful by-products of that which was in itself altogether excellent. The first principle which he applies is the principle of toleration. There is room in the Church for many different kinds of workers. “There are diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit.” The principle is often neglected in the modern Church. Toleration, indeed, is on everyone’s lips; but it is not the kind of toleration that Paul means. It is often nothing more than indifference to the great verities of the faith. Such toleration would have met with nothing but an anathema from
PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH 107 Paul. The toleration that Paul is commending is a toleration, not with regard to matters of doctrine, but with regard to methods of work. Such toleration is often sadly lacking. Some advocates of missions think that almost every Christian who stays at home is a coward; some good, conservative elders, on the other hand, have little interest in what passes the bounds of their own congregation. Some Christians of reserved habits are shocked at the popular methods of the evangelists; some evangelists are loud in their ignorant denunciation of the Christian scholar. In other words, many very devout Christians of the present day act as though they had never read the twelfth chapter of First Corinthians. The principle of toleration, however, culminates in the principle of love. If there must be a choice between the exercise of different gifts, then the choice should be in favor of those gifts which are most profitable to other men. Finally, even the highest spiritual gifts are not independent of reason. I Cor. 14 : 32, 33. That is a far-reaching principle. Some modern Christians seem to think that an appeal to the inward voice of the Spirit excuses them from listening to reasonable counsel. Such is not the teaching of Paul.
The error which is combated in the fifteenth chapter of the epistle could hardly have been a denial, in general, of continued existence after death, but was rather a denial of the resurrection of the body as over against the Greek doctrine of the immortality of the soul. In reply, Paul appeals to the resurrection of Jesus. The appeal would seem to be futile unless Paul means that the resurrection of Jesus was a bodily resurrection. If the appearances of Jesus were no more than incorporeal manifestations of his spirit, then obviously the believer in a mere immortality of the soul remained unrefuted. In this chapter there is an advance over the simple teaching of First Thessalonians. Here the character of the resurrection body comes into view. The resurrection body will have a real connection with the old body—otherwise there would be no resurrection—but the weakness of the old body will be done away. There is continuity, but also transformation.
Certain passages in First Corinthians, which are introduced only in an incidental way, as illustrations of the principles which are
108 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS being applied, are of inestimable historical value. These passages include not only the great autobiographical passage in the ninth chapter, where Paul illustrates from his own life the limitation of the principle of freedom by the principle of love, but also two allimportant passages which refer to the life of Christ. It is generally admitted that First Corinthians was written at about A. D. 55. The eleventh chapter of the epistle gives an account of the institution of the Lord’s Supper, in which Jesus teaches the sacrificial significance of his death ; and the fifteenth chapter gives a list of the appearances of Jesus after his resurrection. The information contained in these passages was not invented by Paul; indeed he distinctly says that it was “received.” In A. D. 55, then, not only Paul, but also the Church generally believed that Jesus' death, according to his own teaching, was sacrificial, and appealed in support of his resurrection to a wealth of competent testimony. But from whom had Paul “received” these things? Hardly from anyone except those who had been Christians before him—in other words, from the Palestinian church. We have here an irremovable confirmation of the Gospel view of Jesus. First Corinthians is a historical document of absolutely priceless value. The incidental character of these historical passages is especially noteworthy. It shows that Paul knew far more about Jesus than he found occasion in the epistles to tell. If he had told more, no doubt the Gospel picture of Jesus would have received confirmation throughout.
In the Library—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 213-221. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: article on “Apollos”; Purves and Davis, article on “Corinthians, Epistles to the.” Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Robertson, article on “Corinthians, First Epistle to the.” M’Clymont, “The New Testament and Its Writers,” pp. 58-64. Ellicott, “A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,” vol. ii, pp. 281-356: Shore, “The First Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians.” “The Cambridge Bible for Schools”: Lias, “The First Epistle to the Corinthians.” Zahn, “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. i, pp. 256-306. “The International Critical Commentary”: Robertson and Plummer, “A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians.” The two last-named works presuppose a knowledge of Greek.
LESSON XX THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY
110 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS 2. THE APOSTLE AND THE MINISTRY OF RECONCILIATION. II Cor. 1 : 12 to 7 : 16 Immediately after the thanksgiving for his escape from death, Paul begins the defense of his ministry. After the suspense of the previous days, he feels the need of reviewing the methods and motives of his labor among the Corinthians, in order that the last vestige of suspicion may be removed. This he does in an unrestrained, cordial sort of way, which reveals the deepest secrets of his heart, and culminates here and there in grand expositions of the very essence of the gospel. First, in just a passing word, ch. 1: 13, 14, he defends his letters against that charge of obscurity or concealment which is hinted at elsewhere in the epistle. Compare ch. 4 : 1-4; 11 : 6. Next, he defends himself against the charge of fickleness in his journey plans. At some time, probably during or after the unsuccessful visit alluded to in ch. 2:1, Paul had formed the plan of returning to Corinth by the direct route. This plan he had not carried out, and his abandonment of it apparently confirmed the impression of weakness which had been left by the unsuccessful visit. “He is very bold in letters,” said his opponents, “but when he is here he is weak, and now he is afraid to return.” It was a petty criticism, and a lesser man might have answered it in a petty way. But Paul was able to lift the whole discussion to a loftier plane. His answer to the criticism was very simple—the reason why he had not returned to Corinth at once was that he did not want to return again in grief and in severity; for the sake of the Corinthians themselves he wanted to give them time to repent, before the final and fatal issue should be raised. Characteristically, however, Paul does not content himself with this simple answer; indeed he does not even begin with it. A specific explanation of the change in his plans would have refuted the criticism immediately under consideration, but Paul felt the need of doing far more than that. What he desired to do was to make not only this criticism, but all similar criticisms, impossible. This he does by the fine reference to the positive character of his gospel. “You say that I am uncertain in my plans, that I say yes and no in one breath. Well, the gospel that I preached, at any rate, was no such uncertain thing as that. My gospel was a great ‘Yes’ to all the promises of God.” Such a method of refutation lifts the reader far above all petty criticisms to the great things of Paul’s gospel. Yet this reference to great principles is no mere excuse to avoid
THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY 111 the simple question at issue. On the contrary, Paul is perfectly frank about the reason why he had not gone to Corinth as he had intended. It was out of love to the Corinthian church, and this had also prompted the writing of a severe letter. Here, ch. 2 : 5-11, Paul refers to the offender whose case had been made a test at the time of the recent painful visit. This offender was probably different from the incestuous person who is so sternly dealt with in I Cor. 5 : 1-5. His offense is thought by many to have been some personal insult to Paul, II Cor. 2 : 5, but this is not quite certain. At any rate, whatever his original offence, Paul’s demand for his punishment had become a test of the loyalty of the church. At first the demand had been refused, but now the majority of the congregation has agreed and the man himself is deeply repentant, so that Paul is only afraid lest severity may go too far. It is hardly worth while saying that the character of Paul was entirely free from vindictiveness. When the discipline of the Church would permit it, Paul was the first to propose counsels of mercy. The reference to the epistles of commendation which had been used by Paul’s opponents in Corinth, ch. 3:1, has been made the basis of far-reaching conclusions about the whole history of the apostolic age. From whom could the opponents have received their letters of introduction? Only, it is said, from Palestine, and probably from the original apostles. This conclusion is hasty, to say the least. It should be noticed that not only letters to the Corinthian church but also letters from the church are apparently in mind. V. 1. If, then, the Corinthian church had been asked to supply these false teachers with letters of commendation, perhaps the other churches that had supplied them with letters were no nearer to Jerusalem than Corinth was. The mention of these letters of commendation introduces one of the grandest passages in the New Testament. “I,” says Paul, by way of transition, “do not need any letters of commendation. My work is sufficient commendation. What I have accomplished in the hearts of men is an epistle written by the Spirit of God.” Then follows the magnificent exposition of the ministry of the new covenant. That ministry is first contrasted with the old dispensation, perhaps with reference to an excessive valuation, by the opponents, of a continued Judaism in the Church. The old covenant was glorious, but how much more glorious is the new! The old was a ministry of condemnation, but the new is a ministry of justification. The old was a ministry of an external law, the new
112 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS is a ministry of the life-giving power of the Spirit of God. There is no reason any longer for concealment. The Spirit brings freedom and openness and light. This treasure is held indeed in earthen vessels. The recent danger that Paul has passed through, as well as the overpowering hardships of his life, make him painfully conscious of human weakness. But that weakness is blessed which in all the fuller glory reveals the all-conquering power of God. The Christian need never despair, for by the eye of faith he can detect those unseen things which are eternal. The present body may be dissolved, but the resurrection body will be ready. Indeed, even if the Christian by death is separated for a time altogether from the body, he need not fear. To be absent from the body is to be present with the Lord. The climax of the whole glorious passage is the brief exposition of the ministry of reconciliation which begins with ch. 5 : 11. Here we are introduced to the secret of the remarkable life which is revealed in Second Corinthians and in the other epistles of Paul. Reconciliation with God through the death of Christ in our behalf and in our stead, consequent freedom from sin and from the world, a new and glorious life under the favor of God—these are the things that Paul experienced in his own life, these are the things that he preached to others, regardless of all hardship and criticism, and these are the things, now and always, which contain the real springs of the Church’s power. After an uncompromising warning against impurity and worldliness, delivered from the lofty vantage ground that has just been reached, the apostle gives expression once more to the joy that he has received from the good news which Titus brought him; and then proceeds to an entirely different matter.
THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY 113 bountifully, II Cor. 8 : 1-5, and urges the continuance of the collection in Corinth. Finally, in the Epistle to the Romans, which was written from Corinth only a short time after Second Corinthians, he mentions the collection in Macedonia and Achaia, announces his intention of journeying to Jerusalem with the gifts, and asks the Roman Christians to pray that the ministration may be acceptable to the Jerusalem church. Rom. 15 : 25-27, 31, 32. With his customary foresight, Paul made careful provision for the administration of the gifts, in order to avoid all possible misunderstanding or suspicion. For example, the churches are to choose delegates to carry their bounty to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16 : 3. Possibly the delegates are to be identified with the persons who are named in Acts 20 : 4. Luke does not mention the collection, but it is alluded to in Acts 24 : 17. Paul’s treatment of the collection in II Cor., chs. 8, 9, was not only adapted to accomplish its immediate purpose, but also has been of high value to the Christian Church. These chapters have assured to the right use of wealth a place of real dignity among the forms of Christian service.
114 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS claim. They said merely, “Paul has kept something back,” v. 6, margin; ch. 4 :3; “we alone can give you adequate information; we alone can proclaim the true Jesus, the true Spirit and the true gospel.” In reality, however, they had nothing new to offer. Paul had made the whole gospel known. It is further not even quite clear that the opponents laid stress upon a personal acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, and so played the original apostles off against Paul. The expression “chiefest apostles,” ch. 11 : 5, is clearly nothing more than an ironical designation of the false teachers themselves. It is true, the false teachers claimed to belong in a special sense to Christ, ch 10 : 7, and to be in a special sense “ministers of Christ.” Ch. 11 : 23. But it is not at all clear—despite ch. 5 : 16—that the connection which they claimed to have with Christ was that of personal acquaintance, either directly or through their authorities, with the earthly Jesus. Finally, these false teachers cannot with any certainty be connected with the Christ-party of First Corinthians. The chief value of the last four chapters of the epistle is the wealth of autobiographical material which they contain. Against the insidious personal attacks of the opponents, Paul was obliged to speak of certain personal matters about which he might otherwise have been silent. Had he been silent, the Church would have been the loser. To know the inner life of the apostle Paul is to know Christ; for Paul was in Christ and Christ was in Paul. What could compensate us for the loss of II Cor. 12 : 7-10? Through these words the bodily weakness of Paul has forever been made profitable for the strength of the Church.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 221-225. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Purves and Davis, article on “Corinthians, Epistles to the.” Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Robertson, article on “Corinthians, Second Epistle to the.” M’Clymont, “The New Testament and Its Writers,” pp. 65-69. Beet, “A Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistles to the Corinthians,” seventh edition, pp. 1-20, 317-542. Ellicott, “A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,” vol. ii, pp. 357-417: Plumptre, “The Second Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians.” “The Cambridge Bible for Schools”: Lias, “The Second Epistle to the Corinthians.” Zahn, “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. i, pp. 307-351. The last-named work presupposes a knowledge of Greek.
LESSON XXI THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION
The Epistle to the Romans, though it is not merely a systematic treatise, is more systematic than any other of the Pauline Epistles. Unlike the epistles that preceded it, it was written in a period of comparative quiet between two great stages in the apostle’s work. Not unnaturally, therefore, it contains something like a summary of Paul’s teaching. The summary, however, does not embrace the whole of the Pauline theology, but only one important department of it. The nature of God, for example, and the person of Christ, are not discussed in the Epistle to the Romans. Of course Paul held very definite views upon these subjects, and these views are presupposed on every page of the epistle—especially the loftiest possible conception of the person of Christ lies at the background of this entire account of Christ’s work—but such presuppositions do not in this epistle receive an elaborate exposition. The real subject of the first eight chapters of Romans is not theology in general, but simply the way of salvation. How can man be saved—that is the question which Paul answers in this epistle. Obviously the question is of the utmost practical importance. The Epistle to the Romans is absolutely fundamental for the establishment of Christian faith. This estimate, which was formerly a matter of course, has in recent years unfortunately fallen into disrepute. The Epistle to the Romans, after all, it is said, is concerned with theology, whereas what we need is simple faith. We must return from Romans to the Gospels, from Paul to Christ. The words of Jesus, recorded in the Gospels, are thus emphasized to the prejudice of the teaching of the apostle. This tendency should be resisted with the utmost firmness. It is striking at the very vitals of the Church’s life. After all, Jesus came, as has been well said, not to say something, but to do something. His words are very precious, we could never do without them; but after all they are subsidiary to his deeds. His life and death and resurrection—these are the things that wrought salvation for men. And these great saving acts could not be fully explained till after they had been done. For an explanation of them, therefore,
116 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS we must turn not only to the Gospels but also to the epistles, not only to Jesus but also to Paul. Paul was in a special sense our apostle; like us, he had never known the earthly Jesus. Just for that reason, through the divine revelation that was granted him, he could guide all subsequent generations to the risen Christ. The Epistle to the Romans, more fully perhaps than any other book, points out the meaning of the death and resurrection of Christ. It does not, indeed, solve all mysteries; but it reveals enough to enable us to believe.
The edict of Claudius which expelled the Jews from Rome was certainly not permanently effective; indeed there are some indications that it was modified almost as soon as it was issued. But although it did not keep the Jews out of Rome, it may at least have hastened the separation between Judaism and Christianity. If the conflict between the two, as a conflict within Judaism, had given rise to the hostile edict, then, as has plausibly been suggested, the separation might be in the interests of both parties. If the church were kept separate from the synagogue, the Jews would be protected from dangerous disorders and from the opposition which would be encountered by a new and illegal religion, and the Christians, on the other hand, would be protected from the Claudian edict against the Jews.
THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION 117 impart spiritual gifts. But he was afraid his readers might feel hurt—as though the apostle thought they could make no return for the benefit which the visit would bring them. It is an exquisite bit of fine discernment and delicate courtesy. But like all true courtesy, it was based on fact. Paul was really not a man to decline help and comfort from even the humblest of the brethren. In vs. 16, 17, the theme of the epistle is announced—the gospel the power of God unto salvation, the gospel which reveals a righteousness of God that is received by faith. The meaning of “a righteousness of God” has been much disputed. Some think that it refers to the righteousness which is an attribute of God. More probably, however, it is to be interpreted in the light of ch. 10 : 3; Phil. 3:9. It then refers to that right relation of man to God which God himself produces. There are two ways of receiving a sentence of acquittal from God the Judge. One is by keeping the law of God perfectly. The other is by receiving through faith the righteousness of Christ. The former is impossible because of sin. The latter has been made possible by the gift of Christ. As sinners, we are subject to the punishment of death. But that punishment has been paid for us by Christ. We therefore go free; we can start fresh, with the consciousness of God’s favor. We are “justified”—that is, “pronounced righteous”—not because we are free from sin, but because by his grace God looks not upon us but upon Christ. We have been pronounced righteous, but not on account of our own works. We possess not our own righteousness but “a righteousness of God.” This righteousness of God is received by faith. Faith is not a work, it is simply the willingness to receive. Christ has promised by his death to bring us to God. We may not understand it all, but is Christ to be believed? Study the Gospel picture of him, and you will be convinced that he is. Justification by faith, then, means being pronounced righteous by God, although we are sinners. It might seem to be a very dangerous doctrine. If we are pronounced righteous whether we are really righteous or not, then may we not go on with impunity in sin? Such reasoning ignores the results of justification. Faith brings more than forgiveness. It brings a new life. In the new life sin has no place. The Christian has broken forever with his old slavery. Though perfection has not yet been attained in practice, it has been attained in principle, and by the power of the Spirit all sin will finally be removed. The Christian cannot compromise with sin. Salvation is not only from the guilt of sin, but also from the
118 SENIOR GRADED LESSONS power of it. The sixth chapter of Romans leaves no room for moral laxness.
It is interesting to compare Romans with Galatians. The subject of the two epistles is the same. Both are concerned with salvation by faith alone, apart from the works of the law. In many passages the two are parallel. The fuller exposition in Romans is often the best commentary upon the briefer statements of Galatians. For example, the words: “What then is the law? It was added because of transgressions”—very obscure as they stand in Galatians—are explained by Rom. 5 : 20; ch. 7. In tone, however, the two epistles are widely different. Galatians is written in view of one definite attack upon the gospel; Romans is a general exposition summing up the results of the conflict. When Paul wrote Galatians he was in the thick of the battle; at the time of Romans he had fought his way through to the heights. The Epistle to the Romans, however, is no cold, purely logical treatise. Theology here is interwoven with experience. No exposition can do justice to this wonderful letter. To read about it is sometimes dull; but to read it is life.
THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION 119 people. He believed that even the natural Israel had a part to play on the stage of history. These chapters of Romans, together with some other passages in the epistles, such as I Cor. 9 : 20, confirm what the Book of The Acts tells us about Paul’s willingness, when no principle was involved, to conform to Jewish custom.
The genuineness of the Epistle to the Romans is undoubted, but its “integrity” has been questioned. The epistle was certainly written by Paul, but was it all, as we now have it, originally part of one letter? By many scholars the greater part of the sixteenth chapter is supposed to have originally formed part of an epistle of Paul written not to Rome but to Ephesus. The chief argument for this hypothesis is derived from the long list of names in ch. 16: 3-15. Could Paul have had so many personal acquaintances in a church which he had never visited? The argument is not conclusive. Just because Paul could not appeal in his letter to any personal acquaintance with the Roman church as a whole, it would be natural for him to mention at least all the individuals in the church with whom he stood in any sort of special relation. Furthermore, the frequency of travel in the Roman Empire must be borne in mind. Many persons whom Paul had met on his travels would naturally find their way to the capital. Finally, Aquila and Priscilla, though they had recently lived in Ephesus, I Cor. 16 : 19, may easily have resumed their former residence in Rome. Acts 18 : 2 ; Rom. 16 : 3-5.
In the Library.—Purves, “Christianity in the Apostolic Age,” pp. 226-231. Davis, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Purves (supplemented) article on “Romans, Epistle to the.” Hastings, “Dictionary of the Bible”: Robertson, article on “Romans, Epistle to the.” M’Clymont, “The New Testament and Its Writers,” pp. 77-82. Gifford, “The Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans.” Ellicott, “A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,” vol. ii, pp. 193-280: Sanday, “The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans.” “The Cambridge Bible for Schools”: Moule, “The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans.” “The International Critical Commentary”: Sanday and Headlam, “A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans.” Zahn, “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. i, pp. 352-438. The two last-named works presuppose a knowledge of Greek.
LESSON XXII PAUL’S JOURNEY TO ROME
The material of this lesson is so extensive that only the barest summary can be attempted in the class. The great features of the narrative should be made to stand out clear—the bitter opposition of the Jews, the favorable attitude of the Roman authorities, the journey to Rome. Before the lesson
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